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Christopher Columbus and How He Received and Imparted the Spirit of Discovery By Justin Winsor Characters: 244200

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His kinsfolk.

Columbus had left behind him, as the natural guardians of his name and honors, the following relatives: his brother Bartholomew, who in December, 1508, had issue of an illegitimate daughter, his only child so far as known; his brother Diego, who, as a priest, was precluded from having lawful issue; his son Diego, now become the first inheritor of his honors; his natural son, Ferdinand, the most considerable in intellectual habit of all Columbus's immediate kin.

His son Diego.

The descent of his titles depended in the first instance on such a marriage as Diego might contract. Within a year or two Diego had had by different women two bastard children, Francisco and Cristoval, shut off from heirship by the manner of their birth. Diego was at this time not far from four and twenty years of age.

Ten or twelve days after Diego succeeded to his inheritance, Philip the Handsome, now sharing the throne of Castile as husband of Juana, daughter of Isabella, ordered that what was due to Columbus should be paid to his successor. This order reached Espa?ola in June, 1506, but was not obeyed promptly; and when Ferdinand of Aragon returned from Italy in August, 1507, and succeeded to the Castilian throne, he repeated the order on August 24.

Diego's income.

Diego presses for a restitution of Columbus's honors.

It would seem that in due time Diego was in receipt of 450,000 ounces of gold annually from the four foundries in Espa?ola. This, with whatever else there may have been, was by no means satisfactory to the young aspirant, and he began to press Ferdinand for a restitution of his inherited honors and powers with all the pertinacity which had characterized his father's urgency.

1508. Suit against the Crown.

Upon the return of Ferdinand from Naples, Diego determined to push the matter to an issue, but Ferdinand still evaded it. Diego now asked, according to Las Casas and Herrera, to be allowed to bring a suit against the Crown before the Council of the Indies, and the King yielded to the request, confident, very likely, in his ability to control the verdict in the public interests. The suit at once began (1508), and continued for several years before all was accomplished, and in December of that same year (1508), we find Diego empowering an attorney of the Duke of Alva to represent his case.

The defense of the Crown was that a transmission of the viceroyalty to the Admiral's son was against public policy, and at variance with a law of 1480, which forbade any judicial office under the Crown being held in perpetuity. It was further argued in the Crown's behalf that Columbus had not been the chief instrument of the first discovery and had not discovered the mainland, but that other voyagers had anticipated him. In response to all allegations, Diego rested his case on the contracts of the Crown with his father, which assured him the powers he asked for. Further than this, the Crown had already recognized, he claimed, a part of the contract in its orders of June 2, 1506, and August 24, 1507, whereby the revenues due under the contracts had been restored to him. It was also charged by the defense that Columbus had been relieved of his powers because he had abused them, and the answer to this was that the sovereigns' letter of 1502 had acknowledged that Bobadilla acted without authority. A number of navigators in the western seas were put on the stand to rebut the allegation of existing knowledge of the coast before the voyages of Columbus, particularly in substantiating the priority of the voyage of Columbus to the coast of Paria, and the evidence was sufficient to show that all the alleged claims were simply perverted notions of the really later voyage of Ojeda in 1499. It is from the testimony at this time, as given in Navarrete, that the biographers of Columbus derive considerable information, not otherwise attainable, respecting the voyages of Columbus,-testimony, however, which the historian is obliged to weigh with caution in many respects.

Diego wins.

The case was promptly disposed of in Diego's favor, but not without suspicions of the Crown's influence to that end. The suit is, indeed, one of the puzzles in the history of Columbus and his fame. If it was a suit to secure a verdict against the Crown in order to protect the Crown's rights under the bull of demarcation, we can understand why much that would have helped the position of the fiscal was not brought forward. If it was what it purported to be, an effort to relieve the Crown of obligations fastened upon it under misconceptions or deceits, we may well marvel at such omission of evidence.

Diego marries Maria de Toledo.

Diego waives his right to the title of Viceroy.

It was left for the King to act on the decision for restitution. This might have been by his studied procrastination indefinitely delayed but for a shrewd movement on the part of Diego, who opportunely aspired to the hand of Do?a Maria de Toledo, the daughter of Fernando de Toledo. This nobleman was brother of the Duke of Alva, one of the proudest grandees of Spain, and he was also cousin of Ferdinand, the King. The alliance, soon effected, brought the young suitor a powerful friend in his uncle, and the bride's family were not averse to a connection with the heir to the viceroyalty of the Indies, now that it was confirmed by the Council of the Indies. Harrisse cannot find that the promised dower ever came with the wife; but, on the contrary, Diego seems to have become the financial agent of his wife's family. A demand for the royal acquiescence in the orders of the Council could now be more easily made, and Ferdinand readily conceded all but the title of Viceroy. Diego waived that for the time, and he was accordingly accredited as governor of Espa?ola, in the place of Ovando.

Ovando recalled.

Isabella had indeed, while on her death-bed, importuned the King to recall Ovando, because of the appalling stories of his cruelty to the Indians. Ferdinand had found that the governor's vigilance conduced to heavy remittances of gold, and had shown no eagerness to carry out the Queen's wishes. He had even ordered Ovando to begin that transference of the poor Lucayan Indians from their own islands to work in the Espa?ola mines which soon resulted in the depopulation of the Bahamas. Now that he was forced to withdraw Ovando he made it as agreeable for him as possible, and in the end there was no lack of commendation of his administration. Indeed, as Spaniards went in those days, Ovando was good enough to gain the love of Las Casas, "except for some errors of moral blindness."

1509. June 9. Diego sails for Espa?ola.

It was on May 3, 1509, that Ferdinand gave Diego his instructions; and on June 9, the new governor with his noble wife sailed from San Lucar. There went with Diego, beside a large number of noble Spaniards who introduced, as Oviedo says, an infusion of the best Spanish blood into the colony, his brother Ferdinand, who was specially charged, as Oviedo further tells us, to found monasteries and churches. His two uncles also accompanied him. Bartholomew had gone to Rome after Columbus's death, with the intention of inducing Pope Julius II. to urge upon the King a new voyage of discovery; and Harrisse thinks that this is proved by some memoranda attached to an account of the coasts of Veragua, which it is supposed that Bartholomew gave at this time to a canon of the Lateran, which is now preserved in the Megliavecchian library, and has been printed by Harrisse in his Bibliotheca Americana Vetustissima. It was perhaps on this visit that the Adelantado took to Rome that map of Columbus's voyage to those coasts which it is usually said was carried there in 1505, when he may possibly have borne thither the letter of Columbus to the Pope.

Bartholomew Columbus, and Diego Mendez.

The position which Bartholomew now went with Diego to assume, that of the Chief Alguazil of Santo Domingo, caused much complaint from Diego Mendez, who claimed the credit of bringing about the restitution of Diego's power, and who had, as he says, been promised both by Columbus and by his son this office as recompense for his many services.

1509. July 10. Diego reaches his government.

The fleet arrived at its destination July 10, 1509. The wife of the governor had taken a retinue, which for splendor had never before been equaled in the New World, and it enabled her to maintain a kind of viceregal state in the little capital. It all helped Diego to begin his rule with no inconsiderable consequence. There was needed something of such attraction to beguile the spirits of the settlers, for, as Benzoni learned years afterwards, when he visited the region, the coming of the son of Columbus had not failed to engender jealousies, which attached to the imposition of another foreigner upon the colony.

Ojeda and Nicuessa.

The King was determined that Diego's rule should be confined to Espa?ola, and, much to the governor's annoyance, he parceled out the coasts which Columbus had tracked near the Isthmus of Panama into two governments, and installed Ojeda in command of the eastern one, which was called New Andalusia, while the one beyond the Gulf of Uraba, which included Veragua, he gave to Diego de Nicuessa, and called it Castilla del Oro.


Porto Rico.

Faction of Passamonte.

1511. October 5. Audiencia.

This action of the King, as well as his effort to put Porto Rico under an independent governor, incited new expostulations from Diego, and served to make his rule in the island quite as uncomfortable as its management had been to his father. There also grew up the same discouragement from faction. The King's treasurer, Miguel Passamonte, became the head of the rebellious party, not without suspicion that he was prompted to much denunciations in his confidential communications with the King. Reports of Diego's misdeeds and ambitions, threatening the royal power even, were assiduously conveyed to the King. The sovereign devised a sort of corrective, as he thought, of this, by instituting later, October 5, 1511, a court of appeals, or Audiencia, to which the aggrieved colonists could go in their defense against oppression or extortion. Its natural effect was to undermine the governor's authority and to weaken his influence. He found himself thwarted in all efforts to relieve the Indians of their burdens, as nothing of that sort could be done without disturbing the revenues of leading colonists. There was no great inducement to undo measures by which no one profited in receipts more than himself, and the cruel devastation of the native population ran on as it had done. He certainly did not show himself averse to continuing the system of repartimientos for the benefit of himself and his friends.

Diego, who had been for a while in Spain, returned in 1512 to Espa?ola, and later new orders were sent out by the King, and these included commands to reduce the labor of the Indians one third, to import negro slaves from Guinea as a measure of further relief to the natives, and to brand Carib slaves, so as to protect other Indians from harsh treatment intended for the Caribs alone.

Bartholomew Columbus died.

Diego was again in Spain in 1513, and the attempts of Ojeda and Nicuessa having failed, later orders in 1514 so far reinstated Diego in his viceregal power as to permit him to send his uncle Bartholomew to take possession of the Veragua coast. But the life of the Adelantado was drawing to a close, and his death soon occurring nothing was done.

1515. Diego in Spain.

Affairs had come to such a pass that Diego again felt it necessary to repair to Court to counteract his enemies' intrigues, and once more getting permission from the King, he sailed for Spain, April 9, 1515, leaving the Vice-Queen with a council in authority.

Diego found the King open and kindly, and not averse to acknowledging the merits of his government. He again pressed his bonded rights with the old fervency. "I would bestow them willingly on you," said the King; "but I cannot do so without intrusting them also to your son and to his successors." "Is it just," said Diego, "that I should suffer for a son which I may never have?" Las Casas tells us that Diego repeated this colloquy to him.


1516. January 23. Ferdinand died.

The King found it reasonable to question if Columbus had really sailed along all the coasts in which Diego claimed a share, and ordered an examination of the matter to be made. While these claims were in abeyance, the King died, January 23, 1516.

Diego again in Espa?ola.

1520. Diego in Spain.

Diego partially reinstated.

This event much retarded the settlement of the difficulties. Cardinal Ximenes, who held power for a while, was not willing to act, and nothing was done for four years, during part of which period Diego was certainly in Espa?ola. We know also that he was present at the convocation of Barcelona, presided over by the Emperor, when Las Casas made his urgent appeals for the Indians and pictured their hardships. Finally, in 1520, when Charles V. was about to embark for Flanders, Diego was in a position to advance to the Emperor so large a sum as ten thousand ducats, which was, as it appears, about a fifth of his annual income from Espa?ola at this time. This financial succor seemed to open the way for the Emperor to dismiss all charges against Diego, and to reinstate him in qualified authority as Viceroy over the Indies.

1520. September. Diego returns to Espa?ola.

This seeming restitution was not without a disagreeable accompaniment in the appointment of a supervisor to reside at his viceregal court and report on the Viceroy's doings. In September, 1520, Diego sailed once more for his government, and on November 14 we find him in Santo Domingo, and shortly afterwards engaged in the construction of a lordly palace, which he was to occupy, and which is seen there to-day. The substantialness of its structure gave rise to rumors that he was preparing a fortress for ulterior aims.

Negro slaves increase.

Diego soon found that various administrative measures had not gone well in his absence. Commanders of some of the provinces had exceeded their powers, and it became necessary to supersede them. This made them enemies as a matter of course. The raising of sugar-cane had rapidly developed under the imported African labor, and the revenues now came for the most part from the plantations rather than from the mines. The negroes so increased that it was not long before some of them dared to rise in revolt, but the mischief was stopped by a rapid swoop of armed horsemen.


1523. Diego in Spain.

1526. February 23. Diego dies.

The jealousies and revengeful accusations of Diego's enemies were not so easily quelled, and before long he was summoned to Spain to render an account of his doings, for Lucas Vasquez de Ayllon had presented charges against him. On September 16, 1523, Diego embarked, and landed at St. Lucar November 5. He presented himself before the Emperor at Vittoria in January, 1524, and reviewed his conduct. This he succeeded in doing in a manner to disarm his foes; and this success encouraged him to press anew for his inherited rights. The demand ended in the questions in dispute being referred to a board; and Diego for two years followed the Court in its migrations, to be in attendance on the sessions of this commission. His health gave way under the strain, so that, with everything still unsettled, he died at Montalvan, February 23, 1526, having survived his father for twenty troublous years. His remains were laid in the monastery of Las Cuevas by the side of Columbus. Being later conveyed to the cathedral at Santo Domingo, they were, if one may credit the quite unproved statements of the priests of the cathedral, mistaken for those of his father, and taken to Havana in 1795.

His family.

Luis Colon succeeds.

The Vice-Queen and her family were still in Santo Domingo, and her children were seven in number, four daughters and three sons. The descent of the honors came eventually to the descendants of one of these daughters, Isabel, who married George of Portugal, Count of Gelves. Of the three sons, Luis succeeded his father, who was in turn succeeded by Diego, a son of Luis's brother Cristoval.

The Vice-Queen, after making an ineffectual attempt to colonize Veragua, in which she was thwarted by the royal Audiencia at Espa?ola, returned to Spain in 1529. Her son Luis, the heir, was still a child, having been born in 1521 or 1522. For fourteen years his mother pressed his claims upon the Emperor, Charles V., and she was during a part of the time in such distress that she borrowed money of Ferdinand Columbus and pledged her jewels. She lived till 1549, and died at Santo Domingo.

1536. The Crown's compromise with Luis.

Duke of Veragua.

1540. Luis in Espa?ola.

Early in 1536 the Cardinal Garcia de Loyasa, in behalf of the Council of the Indies, rendered a decision in which he and Ferdinand Columbus had acted as arbiters, which was confirmed by the Emperor in September of the same year. This was that, upon the abandonment by Luis of all claims upon the revenues of the Indies, of the title of Viceroy, and of the right to appoint the officers of the New World, he should be given the island of Jamaica in fief, a perpetual annuity of ten thousand ducats, and the title of Duke of Veragua, with an estate twenty-five leagues square in that province, to support the title and functions of Admiral of the Indies. In 1540 Luis returned to Espa?ola with the title of Captain-General, and in 1542 married at Santo Domingo, much against his mother's wish, Maria de Orozco, who later lived in Honduras and married another. While she was still living, Luis again espoused at Santo Domingo Maria de Mosquera. In 1551 he returned to Spain.

Columbus's privileges gradually abridged.

1556. All Columbus's territorial rights abandoned.

Whatever remained of the rights which Columbus had sought to transmit to his heirs had already been modified to their detriment by Charles, under decrees in 1540, 1541, and 1542; and when Charles was succeeded by Philip II., early in 1556, one of the first acts of the latter was to force Luis to abandon his fief of Veragua and to throw up his power as Admiral. The Council of the Indies took cognizance of the case in July, 1556, and on September 28 following, Philip II., at Ghent, recompensed the grandson of Columbus, for his submission to the inevitable, by decreeing to Luis the honorary title of Admiral of the Indies and Duke of Veragua, with an income of seven thousand ducats. So in fifty years the dreams of Columbus for territorial magnificence came to naught, and the confident injunctions of his will were dissipated in the air.

Luis a polygamist.

1572. Luis dies.

Immediately after this, Luis furtively married, while his other wives were still living, Ana de Castro Ossorio. The authorities found in these polygamous acts a convenient opportunity to get another troublesome Colon out of the way, and arrested Luis in 1559. He was held in prison for nearly five years, and when in 1563 judgment was got against him, he was sentenced to ten years of exile, half of which was to be passed in Oran, in Africa. While his appeal was pending, his scandalous life added crime to crime, and finally, in November, 1565, his sentence being confirmed, he was conducted to Oran, and there he died February 3, 1572.

* * *


Note. Dotted lines mark illegitimate descents; the dash-and-dot lines mark pretended descents. The heavy face numerals show the successful holders of the honors of Columbus. The lines a a, b b, and c c join respectively.


[1st part]

THE COLUMBUS PEDIGREE. (complete view)


[2nd part]

THE COLUMBUS PEDIGREE. (complete view)

His heirs.

His daughter marries her cousin Diego, the male heir.

Columbus's male line extinct.

Luis left two illegitimate children, one a son; but his lawful heirs were adjudged to be the children of Maria de Mosquera, two daughters, one a nun and the other Filipa. This last presented a claim for the titles in opposition to the demands of Diego, the nephew of her father. She declared this cousin to be the natural, and not the lawful, son of Luis's brother. It was easy enough to forget such imputations in coming to the final conclusion, when Filipa and Diego took each other in marriage (May 15, 1573) to compose their differences, the husband becoming Duke of Veragua. Filipa died in November, 1577, and her husband January 27, 1578. As they had no children, the male line of Columbus became extinct seventy years after his death.

The long lawsuit and its many contestants.

The lawsuit which followed for the settlement of the succession was a famous one. It lasted thirty years. The claimants were at first eight in number, but they were reduced to five by deaths during the progress of the trials.

The first was Francesca, own sister of Diego, the late Duke. Her claim was rejected; but five generations later the dignities returned to her descendants.

The second was the representative of Maria, the daughter of Luis, and sister-in-law of Diego. The claim made by her heir, the convent of San Quirce, was discarded.

The third was Cristoval, the bastard son of Luis, who claimed to be the fruit of a marriage of Luis, concluded while he was in prison accused of polygamy. Cristoval died in 1601, before the cause was decided.

The fourth was Alvaro de Portogallo, Count of Gelves, a son of Isabel, the sister of Luis. He had unsuccessfully claimed the titles when Luis died, in 1572, and again put forth his claims in 1578, when Diego died, but he himself died, pending a decision, in 1581. His son, Jorge Alberto, inherited his rights, but died in 1589, before a decision was reached, when his younger brother, Nu?o de Portogallo, became the claimant, and his rights were established by the tribunal in 1608, when he became Duke of Veragua. His enjoyment of the title was not without unrest, but the attempts to dispossess him failed.

The fifth was Cristoval de Cardona, Admiral of Aragon, son of Maria, elder sister of Luis. This claimant died in 1583, while his claim, having once been allowed, was held in abeyance by an appeal of his rivals. His sister, Maria, was then adjudged inheritor of the honors, but she died in 1605, before the final decree.

The sixth was Maria de la Cueva, daughter of Juana, sister of Luis, who died before December, 1600, while her daughter died in 1605, leaving Carlos Pacheco a claimant, whose rights were disallowed.

The seventh was Balthazar Colombo, a descendant of a Domenico Colombo, who was, according to the claim, the same Domenico who was the father of Columbus. His genealogical record was not accepted.

The eighth was Bernardo Colombo, who claimed to be a descendant of Bartholomew Columbus, the Adelantado, a claim not made good.

These last two contestants rested their title in part on the fact that their ancestors had always borne the name of Colombo, and this was required by Columbus to belong to the inheritors of his honors. The lineal ancestors of the other claimants had borne the names of Cardona, Portogallo, or Avila.

* * *

Nu?o de Portogallo succeeds, and the line later changes.

From Nu?o de Portogallo the titles descended to his son Alvaro Jacinto, and then to the latter's son, Pedro Nu?o. His rights were contested by Luis de Avila (grandson of Cristoval, brother of Luis Colon), who tried in 1620 to reverse the verdict of 1608, and it was not till 1664 that Pedro Nu?o defeated his adversaries. He was succeeded by his son, Pedro Manuel, and he by his son, Pedro Nu?o, who died in 1733, when this male line became extinct.

The titles were now illegally assumed by Pedro Nu?o's sister, Catarina Ventura, who by marriage gave them to her husband, James Fitz-James Stuart, son of the famous Duke of Berwick, and by inheritance in his own right, Duke of Liria. When he died, in 1738, the titles passed to his son, Jacobo Eduardo; thence to the latter's son, Carlos Fernando, who transmitted them to his son, Jacobo Filipe. This last was obliged, by a verdict in 1790, which reversed the decree of 1664, to yield the titles to the line of Francesca, sister of Diego, the fourth holder of them. This Francesca married Diego Ortegon, and their grandchild, Josefa, married Martin Larreategui, whose great-great-grandson, Mariano (by decrees 1790-96), became Duke of Veragua, from whom the title descended to his son, Pedro, and then to his grandson, Cristoval, the present Duke, born in 1837, whose heir, the next Duke, was born in 1878. The value of the titles is said to-day to represent about eight or ten thousand dollars, and this income is chargeable upon the revenues of Cuba and Porto Rico.

In concluding this rapid sketch of the descent of the blood and honors of Columbus, two striking thoughts are presented. The Larreateguis are a Basque family. The blood of Columbus, the Genoese, now mingles with that of the hardiest race of navigators of western Europe, and of whom it may be expected that if ever earlier contact of Europe with the New World is proved, these Basques will be found the forerunners of Columbus. The blood of the supposed discoverer of the western passage to Asia flows with that of the earliest stock which is left to us of that Oriental wave of population which inundated Europe, in the far-away times when the races which make our modern Christian histories were being disposed in valleys and on the coasts of what was then the Western World.

* * *



Progress of discovery.

There was a struggling effort of the geographical sense of the world for thirty years and more after the death of Columbus, before the fact began to be grasped that a great continent was interposed as a substantial and independent barrier in the track to India. It took nearly a half century more before men generally recognized that fact, and then in most cases it was accepted with the reservation of a possible Asiatic connection at the extreme north. It was something more than two hundred and twenty years from the death of Columbus before that severance at the north was incontestably established by the voyage of Bering, and a hundred and thirty years longer before at last the contour of the northern coast of the continent was established by the proof of the long-sought northwest passage in 1850. We must now, to complete the story of the influence of Columbus, rehearse somewhat concisely the narrative of this progressive outcome of that wonderful voyage of 1492. The spirit of western discovery, which Columbus imparted, was of long continuance.

The influence of Ptolemy and his career.

"If we wish to make ourselves thoroughly acquainted," says Dr. Kohl, "with the history of discovery in the New World, we must not only follow the navigators on their ships, but we must look into the cabinets of princes and into the counting-houses of merchants, and likewise watch the scholars in their speculative studies." There was no rallying point for the scholar of cosmography in those early days of discovery like the text and influence of Ptolemy.

We know little of this ancient geographer beyond the fact of his living in the early portion of the second century, and mainly at Alexandria, the fittest home of a geographer at that time, since this Egyptian city was peerless for commerce and learning. Here he could do best what he advises all geographers to do, consult the journals of travelers, and get information of eclipses, as the same phenomena were observed at different places; such, for instance, as that of the moon noted at Arbela in the fifth, and seen at Carthage in the second hour.


The precision of Ptolemy was covered out of sight by graphic fancies among the cosmographers of succeeding ages, till about the beginning of the fourteenth century Italy and the western Mediterranean islands began to produce those atlases of sea-charts, which have come down to us under the name of "portolanos;" and still later a new impetus was given to geographical study by the manuscripts of Ptolemy, with his maps, which began to be common in western Europe in the beginning of the fifteenth century, largely through the influence of communications with the Byzantine peoples.


[From Reusner's Icones.]

The portolanos, however, never lost their importance. Nordenski?ld says that, from the great number of them still extant in Italy, we may deduce that they had a greater circulation during the sixteenth century than printed cartographical works. About five hundred of these sea-charts are known in Italian libraries, and the greater proportion of them are of Italian origin.

Latin text of Ptolemy.

The Donis maps.

It is a composite Latin text, brought into final shape by Jacobus Angelus not far from 1400-1410, which was the basis of the early printed editions of Ptolemy. This version was for a while circulated in manuscript, sometimes with copies of the maps of the Old World having a Latinized nomenclature; and the public libraries of Europe contain here and there specimens of these early copies, one of which it is thought was known to Pierre d'Ailly. It is a question if Angelus supplied the maps which accompanied these early manuscripts, and which got into the Bologna edition of 1462 (wrongly dated for 1472), and into the metrical version of Berlingièri. These maps, whether always the same in the early manuscripts or not, were later superseded by a new set of maps made by a German cartographer, Nicolaus Donis, which he added to a revision of Angelus's Latin text. These later maps were close copies of the original Greek maps, and were accompanied by others of a similar workmanship, which represented better knowledge than the Greeks had. In 1478 these Donis maps were first engraved on copper, and were used in the later editions of 1490, and slightly corrected in those of 1507 and 1508. The engravers were Schweinheim and Buckinck, and their work, following copies of it in the edition of 1490, has been admirably reproduced in The Facsimile Atlas of Nordenski?ld (Stockholm, 1889).

DONIS, 1482.

Greenland in maps.

Meanwhile, editions of the text of Angelus had been issued at Ulm in 1482, and giving additions in 1486, with woodcut maps, the same in both issues on a different projection, assigned to Dominus Nicolaus Germanus, who had, according to Nordenski?ld, completed the manuscript fifteen years earlier. It is significant, perhaps, of the slowness with which the bruit of Portuguese discoveries to the south had traveled that there is in the maps of Africa no extension of Ptolemy's knowledge. But if they are deficient in the south, they are remarkable in the north for showing the coming America in a delineation of Greenland, which, as we have already pointed out, was no new object in the manuscript portolanos, even as far back as the early part of the same century.

RUYSCH, 1508.

Two years after the death of Columbus, we find in the edition of 1508, and sometimes in the edition of 1507,-there is no difference between the two issues except in the title-page,-the first engraved map which has particular reference to the new geographical developments of the age.

1507-8. The Ruysch map.

This Ruysch map shows the African coast discoveries of the Portuguese, with the discoveries of Marco Polo towards the east. In connection with the latter, the same material which Behaim had used in his globe seems to have been equally accessible to Ruysch. The latter's map has a legend on the sea between Iceland and Greenland, saying that an island situated there was burnt up in 1456. This statement has been connected by some with another contained in the Sagas, that from an island in this channel both Greenland and Iceland could be seen.

We also learn from another legend that Portuguese vessels had pushed down the South American coast to 50° south latitude, and the historians of these early voyages have been unable to say who the pioneers were who have left us so early a description of Brazil.

Columbus and the Ruysch map.

It is inferred from a reference of Beneventanus, in his Ptolemy, respecting this map, that some aid had been derived from a map made by one of the Columbuses, and a statement that Bartholomew Columbus, in Rome in 1505, gave a map of the new discoveries to a canon of San Giovanni di Laterano has been thought to refer to such a map, which would, if it could be established, closely connect the Ruysch map with Columbus. It is also supposed to have some relation to Cabot, since a voyage which Ruysch made to the new regions westward from England may have been, and probably was, with that navigator. In this case, the reference to that part of the coast of Asia which the English discovered may record Ruysch's personal experiences. If these things can be considered as reasonably established, it gives great interest to this map of Ruysch, and connects Columbus not only with the earliest manuscript map, La Cosa of 1500, but also with the earliest engraved map of the New World, as Ruysch's map was.

Sources of the Ruysch map.

In speaking of the Ruysch map, Henry Stevens thinks that the cartographer laid down the central archipelago of America from the printed letter of Columbus, because it was the only account in print in 1507; but why restrict the sources of information to those in print, when La Cosa's map might have been copied, or the material which La Cosa employed might have been used by others, and when the Cantino map is a familiar copy of Portuguese originals, all of which might well have been known in the varied circles with which Ruysch is seen by his map to have been familiar?

Portuguese geography and maps.

While it is a fact that central and northern Europe got its cartographical knowledge of the New World almost wholly from Portugal, owing, perhaps, to the exertions of Spain to preserve their explorers' secrets, we do not, at the same time, find a single engraved Portuguese map of the early years of this period of discovery.

Portuguese portolano.

Pedro Reinel.

A large map, to show the Portuguese discoveries during years then recent, was probably made for King Emanuel, and it has come down to us, being preserved now at Munich. This chart wholly omits the Spanish work of exploration, and records only the coasts coursed by Cabral in the south, and by the Cortereals in the north. We have a further and similar record in the chart of Pedro Reinel, which could not have been made far from the same time, and which introduces to us the same prominent cape which in La Cosa's map had been called the English cape as "Cavo Razo," a name preserved to us to-day in the Cape Race of Newfoundland.


Spain and Portugal conceal their geographical secrets.

There is abundant evidence of the non-communicative policy of Spain. This secretiveness was understood at the time Robert Thorne, in 1527, complained, as well as Sir Humphrey Gilbert in his Discoverie, that a similar injunction was later laid by Portugal. In Veitia Linage's Norte we read of the cabinets in which these maps were preserved, and how the Spanish pilot major and royal cosmographer alone kept the keys. There exists a document by which one of the companions of Magellan was put under a penalty of two thousand ducats not to disclose the route he traversed in that famous voyage. We know how Columbus endeavored to conceal the route of his final voyage, in which he reached the coast of Veragua.

MüNSTER, 1532.


A strait to India.

In the two maps of nearly equal date, being the earliest engraved charts which we have, the Ruysch map of 1508 and the so-called Admiral's map of 1507 (1513), the question of a strait leading to the Asiatic seas, which Columbus had spent so much energy in trying to find during his last voyage, is treated differently. We have seen that La Cosa confessed his uncertain knowledge by covering the place with a vignette. In the Ruysch map there is left the possibility of such a passage; in the other there is none, for the main shore is that of Asia itself, whose coast line uninterruptedly connects with that of South America. The belief in such a strait in due time was fixed, and lingered even beyond the time when Cortes showed there was no ground for it. We find it in Sch?ner's globes, in the Tross gores, and even so late as 1532, in the belated map of Münster.


Earliest map to show America made north of the Alps.

The map of the Globus Mundi (Strassburg, 1509) has some significance as being the earliest issued north of the Alps, recording both the Portuguese and Spanish discoveries; though it merely gives the projecting angle of the South American coast as representing the developments of the west.

English references to America.

Richard Eden.

It is doubtful if any reference to the new discoveries had appeared in English literature before Alexander Barclay produced in 1509 a translation of Brant's Ship of Fools, and for a few years there were only chance references which made no impression on the literary instincts of the time. It was not till after the middle of the century, in 1553, that Richard Eden, translating a section of Sebastian Münster's Cosmographia, published it in London as a Treatyse of the newe India, and English-reading people first saw a considerable account of what the rest of Europe had been doing in contrast with the English maritime apathy. Two years later (1555), Eden, drawing this time upon Peter Martyr, did much in his Decades of the Newe World to enlarge the English conceptions.

The naming of America.

But the most striking and significant of all the literary movements which grew out of the new oceanic developments was that which gave a name to the New World, and has left a continent, which Columbus unwittingly found, the monument of another's fame.

1504. September. Letter of Vespucius.

It was in September, 1504, that Vespucius, remembering an old schoolmate in Florence, Piero Soderini, who was then the perpetual Gonfalonière of that city, took what it is supposed he had written out at length concerning his experiences in the New World, and made an abstract of it in Italian. Dating this on the 4th of that month, he dispatched it to Italy. It is a question whether the original of this abridged text of Vespucius is now known, though Varnhagen, with a confidence few scholars have shared, has claimed such authenticity for a text which he has printed.

St. Dié.

Duke René.

It concerns us chiefly to know that somehow a copy of this condensed narrative of Vespucius came into the hands of his fellow-townsman, Fra Giovanni Giocondo, then in Paris at work as an architect constructing a bridge over the Seine. It is to be allowed that R. H. Major, in tracing the origin of the French text, assumes something to complete his story, and that this precise genesis of the narrative which was received by Duke René of Lorraine is open to some question. The supposition that a young Alsatian, then in Paris, Mathias Ringmann, had been a friend of Giocondo, and had been the bearer of this new version to René, is likewise a conjecture. Whether Ringmann was such a messenger or not matters little, but the time was fast approaching when this young man was to be associated with a proposition made in the little village of St. Dié, in the Vosges, which was one of those obscure but far-reaching mental premonitions so often affecting the world's history, without the backing of great names or great events. This almost unknown place was within the domain of this same Duke René, a wise man, who liked scholars and scholarly tomes. His patronage had fostered there a small college and a printing-press. There had been grouped around these agencies a number of learned men, or those ambitious of knowledge. Scholars in other parts of Europe, when they heard of this little coterie, wondered how its members had congregated there. One Walter Lud, or Gualterus Ludovicus, as they liked to Latinize his name, a dependent and secretary of Duke René, was now a man not much under sixty, and he had been the grouper and manager of this body of scholars. There had lately been brought to join them this same Mathias Ringmann, who came from Paris with all the learning that he had tried to imbibe under the tutoring of Dr. John Faber. If we believe the story as Major has worked it out, Ringmann had come to this sparse community with all the fervor for the exploits of Vespucius which he got in the French capital from associating with that Florentine's admirer, the architect Giocondo.


Coming to St. Dié, Ringmann had been made a professor of Latin, and with the usual nominal alternation had become known as Philesius; and as such he appears a little later in connection with a Latin version of the French of Giocondo, which was soon made by another of the St. Dié scholars, a canon of the cathedral there, Jean Bassin de Sandacourt. Still another young man, Walter Waldseemüller, had not long before been made a teacher of geography in the college, and his name, as was the wont, had been classicized into Hylacomylus.

There have now been brought before the reader all the actors in this little St. Dié drama, upon which we, as Americans, must gaze back through the centuries as upon the baptismal scene of a continent.


Cosmographi? Introductio.

The Duke had emphasized the cosmographical studies of the age by this appointment of an energetic young student of geography, who seems to have had a deft hand at map-making. Waldseemüller had some hand, at least, in fashioning a map of the new discoveries at the west, and the Duke had caused the map to be engraved, and we find a stray note of sales of it singly as early as 1507, though it was not till 1513 that it fairly got before the world in the Ptolemy of that year. Waldseemüller had also developed out of these studies a little cosmographical treatise, which the college press was set to work upon, and to swell it to the dignity of a book, thin as it still was, the diminutive quarto was made to include Bassin's Latin version of the Vespucius narrative, set out with some Latin verses by Ringmann. The little book called Cosmographi? Introductio was brought out at this obscure college press in St. Dié, in April and August, 1507. There were some varieties in each of these issues, while that part which constituted the Vespucius narrative was further issued in a separate publication.


It was in this form that Vespucius's narrative was for the first time, unless Varnhagen's judgment to the contrary is superior to all others, brought before the world. The most significant quality of the little book, however, was the proposition which Waldseemüller, with his anonymous views on cosmography, advanced in the introductory parts. It is assumed by writers on the subject that it was not Waldseemüller alone who was responsible for the plan there given to name that part of the New World which Americus Vespucius had described after the voyager who had so graphically told his experiences on its shores. The plan, it is supposed, met with the approval of, or was the outcome of the counsels of, this little band of St. Dié scholars collectively. It is not the belief of students generally that this coterie, any more than Vespucius himself, ever imagined that the new regions were really disjoined from the Asiatic main, though Varnhagen contends that Vespucius knew they were.

Mundus Novus.

One thing is certainly true: that there wasno intention to apply the name which was now proposed to anything more than the continental mass of the Brazilian shore which Vespucius had coasted, and which was looked upon as a distinct region from the islands which Columbus had traversed. It had come to be believed that the archipelago of Columbus was far from the paradise of luxury and wealth that his extravagant terms called for, and which the descriptions of Marco Polo had led the world to expect, supposing the regions of the overland and oceanic discoverers to be the same. Further than this, a new expectation had been aroused by the reports which had come to Europe of the vaster proportions and of the brilliant paroquets-for such trivial aspects gave emphasis-of the more southern regions. It was an instance of the eagerness with which deluded minds, to atone for their first disappointment, grasp at the chances of a newer satisfaction. This was the hope which was entertained of this Mundus Novus of Vespucius,-not a new world in the sense of a new continent.

The Espa?ola and its neighboring regions of Columbus, and the Baccalaos of Cabot and Cortereal, clothed in imagination with the descriptions of Marco Polo, were nothing but the Old World approached from the east instead of from the west. It was different with the Mundus Novus of Vespucius. Here was in reality a new life and habitation, doubtless connected, but how it was not known, with the great eastern world of the merchants. It corresponded with nothing, so far as understood, in the Asiatic chorography. It was ready for a new name, and it was alone associated with the man who had, in the autumn of 1502, so described it, and from no one else could its name be so acceptably taken. Europe and Asia were geographically contiguous, and so might be Asia and the new "America."

Eclipse of Columbus's name.

The sudden eclipse which the name of Columbus underwent, as the fame of Vespucius ran through the popular mind, was no unusual thing in the vicissitudes of reputations. Factitious prominence is gained without great difficulty by one or for one, if popular issues of the press are worked in his interest, and if a great variety of favoring circumstances unite in giving currency to rumors and reports which tend to invest him with exclusive interest. The curious public willingly lends itself to any end that taxes nothing but its credulity and good nature.

Fame of Vespucius.

We have associated with Vespucius just the elements of such a success, while the fame of Columbus was waning to the death, namely: a stretch of continental coast, promising something more than the scattered trifles of an insalubrious archipelago; a new southern heavens, offering other glimpses of immensity; descriptions that were calculated to replace in new variety and mystery the stale stories of Cipango and Cathay: the busy yearnings of a group of young and ardent spirits, having all the apparatus of a press to apply to the making of a public sentiment; and the enthusiasm of narrators who sought to season their marvels of discovery with new delights and honors.

The hold which Vespucius had seized upon the imagination of Europe, and which doubtless served to give him prominence in the popular appreciation, as it has served many a ready and picturesque writer since, was that glowing redundancy of description, both of the earth and the southern constellations, which forms so conspicuous a feature of his narratives. It was the later voyage of Vespucius, and not his alleged voyage of 1497, which raised, as Humboldt has pointed out, the great interest which his name suggested.

Columbus and Vespucius.

Just what the notion prevailing at the time was of the respective exploits of Columbus and Vespucius is easily gathered from a letter dated May 20, 1506, which appears in a Dyalogus Johannis Stamler de diversarum gencium sectis, et mundi regionibus, published in 1508. In this treatise a reference is made to the letters of Columbus (1493) and Vespucius (1503) as concerning an insular and continental space respectively. It speaks of "Cristofer Colom, the discoverer of new islands, and of Albericus Vespucius concerning the new discovered world, to both of whom our age is most largely indebted." It will be remembered that an early misnaming of Vespucius by calling him Albericus instead of Americus, which took place in one of the early editions of his narrative, remained for some time to confuse the copiers of them.

Vespucius on gravitation.

If we may judge from a diagram which Vespucius gives of a globe with two standing men on it ninety degrees apart, each dropping a line to the centre of the earth, this navigator had grasped, together with the idea of the sphericity of the globe, the essential conditions of gravitation. There could be no up-hill sailing when the zenith was always overhead. Curiously enough, the supposition of Columbus, when as he sailed on his third voyage he found the air grow colder, was that he was actually sailing up-hill, ascending a protuberance of the earth which was like the stem end of a pear, with the crowning region of the earthly paradise atop of all! Such contrasts show the lesser navigator to be the greater physicist, and they go not a small way in accounting for the levelness of head which gained the suffrages of the wise.

* * *



1508. Duke René died.

1509. Globus Mundi.

When Duke René, upon whom so much had depended in the little community at St. Dié, died, in 1508, the geographical printing schemes of Waldseemüller and his fellows received a severe reverse, and for a few years we hear nothing more of the edition of Ptolemy which had been planned. The next year (1509), Waldseemüller, now putting his name to his little treatise, was forced, because of the failure of the college press, to go to Strassburg to have a new edition of it printed (1509). The proposals for naming the continental discoveries of Vespucius seem not in the interim to have excited any question, and so they are repeated. We look in vain in the copy of this edition which Ferdinand Columbus bought at Venice in July, 1521, and which is preserved at Seville, for any marginal protest. The author of the Historie, how far soever Ferdinand may have been responsible for that book, is equally reticent. There was indeed no reason why he should take any exception. The fitness of the appellation was accepted as in no way invalidating the claim of Columbus to discoveries farther to the north; and in another little tract, printed at the same time at Grüniger's Strassburg press, the anonymous Globus Mundi, the name "America" is adopted in the text, though the small bit of the new coast shown in its map is called by a translation of Vespucius's own designation merely "Newe Welt."

1513. The Strassburg Ptolemy.

The Ptolemy scheme bore fruit at last, and at Strassburg, also, for here the edition whose maps are associated with the name of Waldseemüller, and whose text shows some of the influence of a Greek manuscript of the old geographer which Ringmann had earlier brought from Italy, came out in 1513. Here was a chance, in a book far more sure to have influence than the little anonymous tract of 1507, to impress the new name America upon the world of scholars and observers, and the opportunity was not seized. It is not easy to divine the cause of such an omission. The edition has two maps which show this Vespucian continent in precisely the same way, though but one of them shows also to its full extent the region of Columbus's explorations. On one of these maps the southern regions have no designation whatever, and on the other, the "Admiral's map," there is a legend stretched across it, assigning the discovery of the region to Columbus.

We do not know, in all the contemporary literature which has come down to us, that up to 1513 there had been any rebuke at the ignorance or temerity which appeared in its large bearing to be depriving Columbus of a rightful honor. That in 1509 Waldseemüller should have enforced the credit given to Vespucius, and in 1513 revoked it in favor of Columbus, seems to indicate qualms of conscience of which we have no other trace. Perhaps, indeed, this reversion of sympathy is of itself an evidence that Waldseemüller had less to do with the edition than has been supposed. It is too much to assert that Waldseemüller repented of his haste, but the facts in one light would indicate it.

The name America begins to be accepted.


Like many such headlong projects, however, the purpose had passed beyond the control of its promoters. The euphony, if not the fitness, of the name America had attracted attention, and there are several printed and manuscript globes and maps in existence which at an early date adopted that designation for the southern continent. Nordenski?ld (Facsimile Atlas, p. 42) quotes from the commentaries of the German Cocl?us, contained in the Meteorologia Aristotelis of Jacobus Faber (Nuremberg, 1512) a passage referring to the "Nova Americi terra."

1516-17. First in a map.

To complicate matters still more, within a few years after this an undated edition of Waldseemüller's tract appeared at Lyons,-perhaps without his participation,-which was always found, down to 1881, without a map, though the copies known were very few; but in that year a copy with a map was discovered, now owned by an American collector, in which the proposition of the text is enforced with the name America on the representation of South America. A section of this map is here given as the Tross Gores. In the present condition of our knowledge of the matter, it was thus at a date somewhere about 1516-17 that the name appeared first in any printed map, unless, indeed, we allow a somewhat earlier date to two globes in the Hauslab collection at Vienna. On the date of these last objects there is, however, much difference of opinion, and one of them has been depicted and discussed in the Mittheilungen of the Geographische Gesellschaft (1886, p. 364) of Vienna. Here, as in the descriptive texts, it must be clearly kept in mind, however, that no one at this date thought of applying the name to more than the land which Vespucius had found stretching south beyond the equator on the east side of South America, and which Balboa had shown to have a similar trend on the west. The islands and region to the north, which Columbus and Cabot had been the pioneers in discovering, still remained a mystery in their relations to Asia, and there was yet a long time to elapse before the truth should be manifest to all, that a similar expanse of ocean lay westerly at the north, as was shown by Balboa to extend in the same direction at the south.


This Vespucian baptism of South America now easily worked its way to general recognition. It is found in a contemporary set of gores which Nordenski?ld has of late brought to light, and was soon adopted by the Nuremberg globe-maker, Sch?ner (1515, etc.); by Vadianus at Vienna, when editing Pomponius Mela (1515); by Apian on a map used in an edition of Solinus, edited by Camers (1520); and by Lorenz Friess, who had been of Duke René's coterie and a correspondent of Vespucius, on a map introduced into the Grüniger Ptolemy, published at Strassburg (1522), which also reproduced the Waldseemüller map of 1513. This is the earliest of the Ptolemies in which we find the name accepted on its maps.

1522. The name first in a Ptolemy.


APIANUS, 1520.



There is one significant fact concerning the conflict of the Crown with the heirs of Columbus, which followed upon the Admiral's death, and in which the advocates of the government sought to prove that the claim of Columbus to have discovered the continental shore about the Gulf of Paria in 1498 was not to be sustained in view of visits by others at an earlier date. This significant fact is that Vespucius is not once mentioned during the litigation. It is of course possible, and perhaps probable, that it was for the interests of both parties to keep out of view a servant of Portugal trenching upon what was believed to be Spanish territories. The same impulse could hardly have influenced Ferdinand Columbus in the silent acquiescence which, as a contemporary informs us, was his attitude towards the action of the St. Dié professors. There seems little doubt of his acceptance of a view, then undoubtedly common, that there was no conflict of the claims of the respective navigators, because their different fields of exploration had not brought such claims in juxtaposition.

Who first landed on the southern main?

Vespucius's maps.

Vespucius not privy to the naming.

Following, however, upon the assertion of Waldseemüller, that Vespucius had "found" this continental tract needing a name, there grew up a belief in some quarters, and deducible from the very obscure chronology of his narrative, which formulated itself in a statement that Vespucius had really been the first to set foot on any part of this extended main. It was here that very soon the jealousy of those who had the good name of Columbus in their keeping began to manifest itself, and some time after 1527,-if we accept that year as the date of his beginning work on the Historie,-Las Casas, who had had some intimate relations with Columbus, tells us that the report was rife of Vespucius himself being privy to such pretensions. Unless Las Casas, or the reporters to whom he referred, had material of which no one now has knowledge, it is certain that there is no evidence connecting Vespucius with the St. Dié proposition, and it is equally certain that evidence fails to establish beyond doubt the publication of any map bearing the name America while Vespucius lived. He had been made pilot major of Spain March 22, 1508, and had died February 22, 1512. We have no chart made by Vespucius himself, though it is known that in 1518 such a chart was in the possession of Ferdinand, brother of Charles the Fifth. The recovery of this chart would doubtless render a signal service in illuminating this and other questions of early American cartography. It might show us how far, if at all, Vespucius "sinfully failed towards the Admiral," as Las Casas reports of him, and adds: "If Vespucius purposely gave currency to this belief of his first setting foot on the main, it was a great wickedness; and if it was not done intentionally, it looks like it." With all this predisposition, however, towards an implication of Vespucius, Las Casas was cautious enough to consider that, after all, it may have been the St. Dié coterie who were alone responsible for starting the rumor.

"America" not used in Spain.

1541. Mercator first applied the name to both North and South America.

It is very clear that in Spain there had been no recognition of the name "America," nor was it ever officially recognized by the Spanish government. Las Casas understood that it had been applied by "foreigners," who had, as he says, "called America what ought to be called Columba." Just what date should attach to this protest of Las Casas is not determinable. If it was later than the gore-map of Mercator in 1541, which was the first, so far as is known, to apply the name to both North and South America, there is certainly good reason for the disquietude of Las Casas. If it was before that, it was because, with the progress of discovery, it had become more and more clear that all parts of the new regions were component parts of an absolutely new continent, upon which the name of the first discoverer of any part of it, main or insular, ought to have been bestowed. That it should be left to "foreign writers," as Las Casas said, to give a name representing a rival interest to a world that Spanish enterprise had made known was no less an indignity to Spain than to her great though adopted Admiral.

Spread of the name in central Europe.

It happens that the suggestion which sprang up in the Vosges worked steadily onward through the whole of central Europe. That it had so successful a propagation is owing, beyond a doubt, as much to the exclusive spirit of the Spanish government in keeping to itself its hydrographical progress as to any other cause. We have seen how the name spread through Germany and Austria. It was taken up by Stobnicza in Poland in 1512, in a Cracow introduction to Ptolemy; and many other of the geographical writers of central and southern Europe adopted the designation. The New Interlude, published in England in 1519, had used it, and towards the middle of the century the fame of Vespucius had occupied England, so far as Sir Thomas More and William Cunningham represent it, to the almost total obscuration of Columbus.

It was but a question of time when Vespucius would be charged with promoting his own glory by borrowing the plumes of Columbus. Whether Las Casas, in what has been quoted, initiated such accusations or not, the account of that writer was in manuscript and could have had but small currency.

1533. Sch?ner accuses Vespucius of participation in the injustice.

The first accusation in print, so far as has been discovered, came from the German geographer, Johann Sch?ner, who, having already in his earlier globes adopted the name America, now in a tract called Opusculum Geographicum, which he printed at Nuremberg in 1533, openly charged Vespucius with attaching his own name to a region of India Superior. Two years later, Servetus, while he repeated in his Ptolemy of 1535 the earlier maps bearing the name America, entered in his text a protest against its use by alleging distinctly that Columbus was earlier than Vespucius in finding the new main.

Within a little more than a year from the death of Vespucius, and while the maps assigned to Waldseemüller were pressed on the attention of scholars, the integralness of the great southern continent, to which a name commemorating Americus had been given, was made manifest, or at least probable, by the discovery of Balboa.

* * *

A barrier suspected.

Let us now see how the course of discovery was finding record during these early years of the sixteenth century in respect to the great but unsuspected barrier which actually interposed in the way of those who sought Asia over against Spain.

Discoveries in the north.

1504. Normans and Bretons.

In the north, the discoveries of the English under Cabot, and of the Portuguese under the Cortereals, soon led the Normans and Bretons from Dieppe and Saint Malo to follow in the wake of such predecessors. As early as 1504 the fishermen of these latter peoples seem to have been on the northern coasts, and we owe to them the name of Cape Breton, which is thought to be the oldest French name in our American geography. It is the "Gran Capitano" of Ramusio who credits the Bretons with these early visits at the north, though we get no positive cartographical record of such visits till 1520, in a map which is given by Kunstmann in his Atlas.

1505. Portuguese.

Again, in 1505, some Portuguese appear to have been on the Newfoundland coast under the royal patronage of Henry VII. of England, and by 1506 the Portuguese fishermen were regular frequenters of the Newfoundland banks. We find in the old maps Portuguese names somewhat widely scattered on the neighboring coast lines, for the frequenting of the region by the fishermen of that nation continued well towards the close of the century.

1506. Spaniards.

There are also stories of one Velasco, a Spaniard, visiting the St. Lawrence in 1506, and Juan de Agramonte in 1511 entered into an agreement with the Spanish King to pursue discovery in these parts more actively, but we have no definite knowledge of results.

1517. Sebastian Cabot.

1521. Portuguese.

The death of Ferdinand, January 23, 1516, would seem to have put a stop to a voyage which had already been planned for Spain by Sebastian Cabot, to find a northwest passage; but the next year (1517) Cabot, in behalf of England, had sailed to Hudson's Strait, and thence north to 67° 30', finding "no night there," and observing extraordinary variations of the compass. Somewhat later there are the very doubtful claims of the Portuguese to explorations under Fagundes about the Gulf of St. Lawrence in 1521.

1506. Ango's captains.

Denys's map.

1518. Léry.

By 1506 also there is something like certainty respecting the Normans, and under the influence of a notable Dieppese, Jean Ango, we soon meet a class of adventurous mariners tempting distant and marvelous seas. We read of Pierre Crignon, and Thomas Aubert, both of Dieppe, Jean Denys of Honfleur, and Jean Parmentier, all of whom have come down to us through the pages of Ramusio. It is of Jean Denys in 1506, and of Thomas Aubert a little later, that we find the fullest recitals. To Denys there has been ascribed a mysterious chart of the Gulf of St. Lawrence; but if the copy which is preserved represents it, there can be no hesitation in discarding it as a much later cartographical record. The original is said to have been found in the archives of the ministry of war in Paris so late as 1854, but no such map is found there now. The copy which was made for the Canadian archives is at Ottawa, and I have been favored by the authorities there with a tracing of it. No one of authority will be inclined to dispute the judgment of Harrisse that it is apocryphal. We are accordingly left in uncertainty just how far at this time the contour of the Golfo Quadrago, as the Gulf of St. Lawrence was called, was made out. Aubert is said to have brought to France seven of the natives of the region in 1509. Ten years or more later (1519, etc.), the Baron de Léry is thought to have attempted a French settlement thereabouts, of which perhaps the only traces were some European cattle, the descendants of his small herd landed there in 1528, which were found on Sable Island many years later.

1526. Nicholas Don.

We know from Herrera that in 1526 Nicholas Don, a Breton, was fishing off Baccalaos, and Rut tells us that in 1527 Norman and Breton vessels were pulling fish on the shores of Newfoundland. Such mentions mark the early French knowledge of these northern coasts, but there is little in it all to show any contribution to geographical developments.



[From Barcia's Herrera.]

Attempts to connect the northern discoveries with those of the Spanish.

1511. Peter Martyr's map.

1512. Ponce de Leon.

1513. March.


Before this, however, the first serious attempt of which we have incontrovertible evidence was made to connect these discoveries in the north with those of the Spanish in the Antilles. As early as 1511 the map given by Peter Martyr had shown that, from the native reports or otherwise, a notion had arisen of lands lying north of Cuba. In 1512 Ponce de Leon was seeking a commission to authorize him to go and see what this reported land was like, with its fountain of youth. He got it February 23, 1512, when Ferdinand commissioned him "to find and settle the island of Bimini," if none had already been there, or if Portugal had not already acquired possession in any part that he sought. Delays in preparation postponed the actual departure of his expedition from Porto Rico till March, 1513. On the 23d of that month, Easter Sunday, he struck the mainland somewhere opposite the Bahamas, and named the country Florida, from the day of the calendar. He tracked the coast northward to a little above 30° north latitude. Then he retraced his way, and rounding the southern cape, went well up the western side of the peninsula. Whether any stray explorers had been before along this shore may be a question. Private Spanish or Portuguese adventurers, or even Englishmen, had not been unknown in neighboring waters some years earlier, as we have evidence. We find certainly in this voyage of Ponce de Leon for the first time an unmistakable official undertaking, which we might expect would soon have produced its cartographical record. The interdicts of the Council of the Indies were, however, too powerful, and the old lines of the Cantino map still lingered in the maps for some years, though by 1520 the Floridian peninsula began to take recognizable shape in certain Spanish maps.



Just what stood for Bimini in the reports of this expedition is not clear; but there seems to have been a vague notion of its not being the same as Florida, for when Ponce de Leon got a new patent in September, 1514, he was authorized to settle both "islands," Bimini and Florida, and Diego Colon as viceroy was directed to help on the expedition. Seven years, however, passed in delays, so that it was not till 1521 that he attempted to make a settlement, but just at what point is not known. Sickness and loss in encounters with the Indians soon discouraged him, and he returned to Cuba to die of an arrow wound received in one of the forays of the natives.

1519. Pineda.

It was still a question if Florida connected with any adjacent lands. Several minor expeditions had added something to the stretch of coast, but the main problem still stood unsolved. In 1519 Pineda had made the circuit of the northern shores of the Gulf of Mexico, and at the river Panuco he had been challenged by Cortes as trenching on his government. Turning again eastward, Pineda found the mouth of the river named by him Del Espiritu Santo, which passes with many modern students as the first indication in history of the great Mississippi, while others trace the first signs of that river to Cabe?a de Vaca in 1528, or to the passage higher up its current by De Soto in 1541. Believing it at first the long-looked-for strait to pass to the Indies, Pineda entered it, only to be satisfied that it must gather the watershed of a continent, which in this part was now named Amichel. It seemed accordingly certain that no passage to the west was to be found in this part of the gulf, and that Florida must be more than an island.

1520. Ayllon.

Spaniards in Virginia.

While these explorations were going on in the gulf, others were conducted on the Atlantic side of Florida. If the Pompey Stone which has been found in New York State, to the confusion of historical students, be accepted as genuine, it is evidence that the Spaniard had in 1520 penetrated from some point on the coast to that region. In 1520 we get demonstrable proof, when Lucas Vasquez de Ayllon sent a caravel under Gordillo, which joined company on the way with another vessel bound on a slave-hunting expedition, and the two, proceeding northward, sighted the main coast at a river which they found to be in thirty-three and a half degrees of north latitude, on the South Carolina coast. They returned without further exploration. Ayllon, without great success, attempted further explorations in 1525; but in 1526 he went again with greater preparations, and made his landfall a little farther north, near the mouth of the Wateree River, which he called the Jordan, and sailed on to the Chesapeake, where, with the help of negro slaves, then first introduced into this region, he began the building of a town at or near the spot where the English in the next century founded Jamestown; or at least this is the conjecture of Dr. Shea. Here Ayllon died of a pestilential fever October 18, 1526, when the disheartened colonists, one hundred and fifty out of the original five hundred, returned to Santo Domingo.


1524. Gomez.

Chaves's map.

1529. Ribero's map.

While these unfortunate experiences were in progress, Estevan Gomez, sent by the Spanish government, after the close of the conference at Badajos, to make sure that there was no passage to the Moluccas anywhere along this Atlantic coast, started in the autumn of 1524, if the data we have admit of that conclusion as to the time, from Corunna, in the north of Spain. He proceeded at once, as Charles V. had directed him, to the Baccalaos region, striking the mainland possibly at Labrador, and then turned south, carefully examining all inlets. We have no authoritative narrative sanctioned by his name, or by that of any one accompanying the expedition; nor has the map which Alonso Chaves made to conform to what was reported by Gomez been preserved, but the essential features of the exploration are apparently embodied in the great map of Ribero (1529), and we have sundry stray references in the later chroniclers. From all this it would seem that Gomez followed the coast southward to the point of Florida, and made it certain to most minds that no such passage to India existed, though there was a lingering suspicion that the Gulf of St. Lawrence had not been sufficiently explored.

* * *

Shores of the Caribbean Sea.

Ojeda and Nicuessa.

Let us turn now to the southern shores of the Caribbean Sea. New efforts at colonizing here were undertaken in 1508-9. By this time the coast had been pretty carefully made out as far as Honduras, largely through the explorations of Ojeda and Juan de la Cosa. The scheme was a dual one, and introduces us to two new designations of the regions separated by that indentation of the coast known as the Gulf of Uraba. Here Ojeda and Nicuessa were sent to organize governments, and rule their respective provinces of Nueva Andalusia and Castilla del Oro for the period of four years. Mention has already been made of this in the preceding chapter. They delayed getting to their governments, quarreled for a while about their bounds on each other, fought the natives with desperation but not with much profit, lost La Cosa in one of the encounters, and were thwarted in their purpose of holding Jamaica as a granary and in getting settlers from Espa?ola by the alertness of Diego Colon, who preferred to be tributary to no one.

All this had driven Ojeda to great stress in the little colony of San Sebastian which he had founded. He attempted to return for aid to Espa?ola, and was wrecked on the voyage. This caused him to miss his lieutenant Enciso, who was on his way to him with recruits. So Ojeda passes out of history, except so far as he tells his story in the testimony he gave in the suit of the heirs of Columbus in 1513-15.


New heroes were coming on. A certain Pizarro had been left in command by Ojeda,-not many years afterwards to be heard of. One Vasco Nu?ez de Balboa, a poor and debt-burdened fugitive, was on board of Enciso's ship, and had wit enough to suggest that a region like San Sebastian, inhabited by tribes which used poisoned arrows, was not the place for a colony struggling for existence and dependent on foraging. So they removed the remnants of the colony, which Enciso had turned back as they were escaping, to the other side of the bay, and in this way the new settlement came within the jurisdiction of Nicuessa, whom a combination soon deposed and shipped to sea, never to be heard of. It was in these commotions that Vasco Nu?ez de Balboa brought himself into a prominence that ended in his being commissioned by Diego Colon as governor of the new colony. He had, meanwhile, got more knowledge of a great sea at the westward than Columbus had acquired on the coast of Veragua in 1503. Balboa rightly divined that its discovery, if he could effect it, would serve him a good purpose in quieting any jealousies of his rule, of which he was beginning to observe symptoms.


[From Barcia's Herrera.]

1513. Balboa and the South Sea.

So on the 1st of September, 1513, he set out in the direction which the natives hadindicated, and by the 24th he had reached a mountain from the topof which his guides told him he would behold the sea. On the 25th his party ascended, himself in front, and it was not long before he stood gazing upon the distant ocean, the first of Europeans to discern the long-coveted sea. Down the other slope the Spaniards went. The path was a difficult one, and it was three days before one of his advanced squads reached the beach. Not till the next day, the 29th, did Vasco Nu?ez himself join those in advance, when, striding into the tide, he took possession of the sea and its bordering lands in the name of his sovereigns. It was on Saint Miguel's Day, and the Bay of Saint Miguel marks the spot to-day. Towards the end of January, 1514, he was again with the colony at Antigua del Darien. Thence, in March, he dispatched a messenger to Spain with news of the great discovery.


1517. Balboa executed.

This courier did not reach Europe till after a new expedition had been dispatched under Pedrarias, and with him went a number of followers, who did in due time their part in thridding and designating these new paths of exploration. We recognize among them Hernando de Soto, Bernal Diaz, the chronicler of the exploits of Cortes, and Oviedo, the historian. It was from April till June, 1514, that Pedrarias was on his way, and it was not long before the new governor with his imposing array of strength brought the recusant Balboa to trial, out of which he emerged burdened with heavy fines. The new governor planned at once to reap the fruits of Balboa's discovery. An expedition was sent along his track, which embarked on the new sea and gathered spoils where it could. Pedrarias soon grew jealous of Balboa, for it was not without justice that the state of the augmented colony was held to compare unfavorably with the conditions which Balboa had maintained during his rule. But constancy was never of much prevalence in these days, and Balboa's chains, lately imposed, were stricken off to give him charge of an exploration of the sea which he had discovered. Once here, Balboa planned new conquests and a new independency. Pedrarias, hearing of it through a false friend of Balboa, enticed the latter into his neighborhood, and a trial was soon set on foot, which ended in the execution of Balboa and his abettors. This was in 1517.

It was not long before Pedrarias removed his capital to Panama, and in 1519 and during the few following years his captains pushed their explorations northerly along the shores of the South Sea, as the new ocean had been at once called.

1515. Biru.

1519. Panama founded.

As early as 1515 Pizarro and Morales had wandered down the coast southward to a region called Biru by the natives, and this was as far as adventure had carried any Spaniard, during the ten years since Balboa's discovery. They had learned here of a rich region farther on, and it got to be spoken of by the same name, or by a perversion of it, as Peru. In this interval the town of Panama had been founded (1519), and Pizarro and Almagro, with the priest Luque, were among those to whom allotments were made.




It was by these three associates, in 1524 and 1526, that the expeditions were organized which led to the exploration of the coasts of Peru and the conquest of the region. The equator was crossed in 1526; in 1527 they reached 9° south. It was not till 1535 that, in the progress of events, a knowledge of the coast was extended south to the neighborhood of Lima, which was founded in that year. In the autumn of 1535, Almagro started south to make conquest of Chili, and the bay of Valparaiso was occupied in September, 1536. Eight years later, in 1544, explorations were pushed south to 41°. It was only in 1557 that expeditions reached the archipelago of Chiloe, and the whole coast of South America on the Pacific was made out with some detail down to the region which Magellan had skirted, as will be shortly shown.

* * *

1508. Ocampo and Cuba.

It will be remembered that in 1503 Columbus had struck the coast of Honduras west of Cape Gracias à Dios. He learned then of lands to the northwest from some Indians whom he met in a canoe, but his eagerness to find the strait of his dreams led him south. It was fourteen years before the promise of that canoe was revealed. In 1508 Ocampo had found the western extremity of Cuba, and made the oath of Columbus ridiculous.

1517. Yucatan.

In 1517 a slave-hunting expedition, having steered towards the west from Cuba, discovered the shores of Yucatan; and the next year (1518) the real exploration of that region began when Juan de Grijalva, a nephew of the governor of Cuba, led thither an expedition which explored the coast of Yucatan and Mexico.

1518. Cortes.


When Grijalva returned to Cuba in 1518, it was to find an expedition already planned to follow up his discoveries, and Hernando Cortes, who had been in the New World since 1504, had been chosen to lead it, with instructions to make further explorations of the coast,-a purpose very soon to become obscured in other objects. He sailed on the 17th of November, and stopped along the coast of Cuba for recruits, so it was not till February 18, 1519, that he sunk the shores of Cuba behind him, and in March he was skirting the Yucatan shore and sailed on to San Juan de Uloa. In due time, forgetting his instructions, and caring for other conquests than those of discovery, he began his march inland. The story of the conquest of Mexico does not help us in the aim now in view, and we leave it untold.


[From Barcia's Herrera.]


It was not long after this conquest before belated apostles of the belief of Columbus appeared, urging that the capital of Montezuma was in reality the Quinsay of Marco Polo, with its great commercial interests, as was maintained by Sch?ner in his Opusculum Geographicum in 1533.


1520. Garay.

Gulf of Mexico.

1524. Cortes's Gulf of Mexico.

Yucatan as an island.

We have seen how Pineda's expedition to the northern parts of the Gulf of Mexico in 1519 had improved the knowledge of that shore, and we have a map embodying these explorations, which was sent to Spain in 1520 by Garay, then governor of Jamaica. It was now pretty clear that the blank spaces of earlier maps, leaving it uncertain if there was a passage westerly somewhere in the northwest corner of the gulf, should be filled compactly. Still, a belief that such a passage existed somewhere in the western contour of the gulf was not readily abandoned. Cortes, when he sent to Spain his sketch of the gulf, which was published there in 1524, was dwelling on the hope that some such channel existed near Yucatan, and his insular delineation of that peninsula, with a shadowy strait at its base, was eagerly grasped by the cartographers. Such a severance finds a place in the map of Maiollo of 1527, which is preserved in the Ambrosian library at Milan. Grijalva, some years earlier, had been sent, as we have seen, to sail round Yucatan; and though there are various theories about the origin of that name, it seems likely enough that the tendency to give it an insular form arose from a misconception of the Indian appellation. At all events, the island of Yucatan lingered long in the early maps.


1523. Cortes.

In 1523 Cortes had sent expeditions up the Pacific, and one up the Atlantic side of North America, to find the wished-for passage; but in vain.

* * *

Spanish and Portuguese rivalries.

Meanwhile, important movements were making by the Portuguese beyond that great sea of the south which Balboa had discovered. These movements were little suspected by the Spaniards till the development of them brought into contact these two great oceanic rivals.


1511. Moluccas.

A western passage sought at the south.

The Portuguese, year after year, had extended farther and farther their conquests by the African route. Arabia, India, Malacca, Sumatra, fell under their sway, and their course was still eastward, until in 1511 the coveted land of spices, the clove and the nutmeg, was reached in the Molucca Islands. This progress of the Portuguese had been watched with a jealous eye by Spain. It was a question if, in passing to these islands, the Portuguese had not crossed the line of demarcation as carried to the antipodes. If they had, territory neighboring to the Spanish American discoveries had been appropriated by that rival power wholly unconfronted. This was simply because the Spanish navigators had not as yet succeeded in finding a passage through the opposing barrier of what they were beginning to suspect was after all an intervening land. Meanwhile, Columbus and all since his day having failed to find such a passage by way of the Caribbean Sea, and no one yet discovering any at the north, nothing was left but to seek it at the south. This was the only chance of contesting with the Portuguese the rights which occupation was establishing for them at the Moluccas.

1508. Pinzon and Solis.

On the 29th of June, 1508, a new expedition left San Lucar under Pinzon and Solis. They made their landfall near Cape St. Augustine, and, passing south along the coast of what had now come to be commonly called Brazil, they traversed the opening of the broad estuary of the La Plata without knowing it, and went five degrees beyond (40° south latitude) without finding the sought-for passage.


1511. Portuguese at Rio de Janeiro.

Ferdinand Columbus and the western passage.

There is some reason to suppose that as early as 1511 the Portuguese had become in some degree familiar with the coast about Rio de Janeiro, and there is a story of one Juan de Braza settling near this striking bay at this early day. It was during the same year (1511) that Ferdinand Columbus prepared his Colon de Concordia, and in this he maintained the theory of a passage to be found somewhere beyond the point towards the south which the explorers had thus far reached.



1516. Solis.

1519. Magellan.

A few years later (1516) the Spanish King sent Juan Diaz de Solis to search anew for a passage. He found the La Plata, and for a while hoped he had discovered the looked-for strait. Magellan, who had taken some umbrage during his Portuguese service, came finally to the Spanish King, and, on the plea that the Moluccas fell within the Spanish range under the line of demarcation, suggested an expedition to occupy them. He professed to be able to reach them by a strait which he could find somewhere to the south of the La Plata. It has long been a question if Magellan's anticipation was based simply on a conjecture that, as Africa had been found to end in a southern point, America would likewise be discovered to have a similar southern cape. It has also been a question if Magellan actually had any tidings from earlier voyages to afford a ground for believing in such a geographical fact. It is possible that other early discoverers had been less careful than Solis, and had been misled by the broad estuary of the La Plata to think that it was really an interoceanic passage. Some such intelligence would seem to have instigated the conditions portrayed in one early map, but the general notion of cartographers at the time terminates the known coast at Cape Frio, near Rio de Janeiro, as is seen to be the case in the Ptolemy map of 1513. There is a story, originating with Pigafetta, his historian, that Magellan had seen a map of Martin Behaim, showing a southern cape; but if this map existed, it revealed probably nothing more than a conjectural termination, as shown in the Lenox and earliest Sch?ner globes of 1515 and 1520. Still, Wieser and Nordenski?ld are far from being confident that some definite knowledge of such a cape had not been attained, probably, as it is thought, from private commercial voyage of which we may have a record in the Newe Zeitung and in the Luculentissima Descriptio. It is to be feared that the fact, whatever it may have been, must remain shadowy.


Magellan's fleet was ready in August, 1519. His preparation had been watched with jealousy by Portugal, and it was even hinted that if the expedition sailed a matrimonial alliance of Spain and Portugal which was contemplated must be broken off. Magellan was appealed to by the Portuguese ambassador to abandon his purpose, as one likely to embroil the two countries. The stubborn navigator was not to be persuaded, and the Spanish King made him governor of all countries he might discover on the "back side" of the New World.

In the late days of 1519, Magellan touched the coast at Rio de Janeiro, where, remaining awhile, he enjoyed the fruits of its equable climate. Then, passing on, he crossed the mouth of the La Plata, and soon found that he had reached a colder climate and was sailing along a different coast. The verdure which had followed the warm currents from the equatorial north gave way to the concomitants of an icy flow from the Antarctic regions which made the landscape sterile. So on he went along this inhospitable region, seeking the expected strait. His search in every inlet was so faithful that he neared the southern goal but slowly. The sternness of winter caught his little barks in a harbor near 50° south latitude, and his Spanish crews, restless under the command of a Portuguese, revolted. The rebels were soon more numerous than the faithful. The position was more threatening than any Columbus had encountered, but the Portuguese had a hardy courage and majesty of command that the Genoese never could summon. Magellan confronted the rebels so boldly that they soon quailed. He was in unquestioned command of his own vessels from that time forward. The fate of the conquered rioters, Juan de Carthagena and Sanchez de la Reina, cast on the inhospitable shore of Patagonia in expiation of their offense, is in strong contrast to the easy victory which Columbus too often yielded, to those who questioned his authority. The story of Magellan's pushing his fleet southward and through the strait with a reluctant crew is that of one of the royally courageous acts of the age of discovery.

1520. October. Magellan enters the strait.

On October 21, 1520, the ships entered the longed-for strait, and on the 28th of November they sailed into the new sea; then stretching their course nearly north, keeping well in sight of the coast till the Chiloe Archipelago was passed, the ships steered west of Juan Fernandez without seeing it, and subsequently gradually turned their prows towards the west.


[The north is at the bottom.]

The western way discovered.

It is not necessary for our present purpose to follow the incidents of the rest of this wondrous voyage,-the reaching the Ladrones and the Asiatic islands, Magellan's own life sacrificed, all his ships but one abandoned or lost, the passing of the Cape of Good Hope by the "Victoria," and her arrival on September 6, 1522, under Del Cano, at the Spanish harbor from which the fleet had sailed. The Emperor bestowed on this lucky first of circumnavigators the proud motto, inscribed on a globe, "Primus circumdedisti me." The Spaniards' western way to the Moluccas was now disclosed.


Pacific Ocean.

The South Sea of Balboa, as soon as Magellan had established its extension farther south, took from Magellan's company the name Pacific, though the original name which Balboa had applied to it did not entirely go out of vogue for a long time in those portions contiguous to the waters bounding the isthmus and its adjacent lands.

North America and Asia held to be one.

For a long time after it was known that South America was severed, as Magellan proved, from Asia, the belief was still commonly held that North America and Asia were one and continuous. While no one ventures to suspect that Columbus had any prescience of these later developments, there are those like Varnhagen who claim a distinct insight for Vespucius; but it is by no means clear, in the passages which are cited, that Vespucius thought the continental mass of South America more distinct from Asia than Columbus did, when the volume of water poured out by the Orinoco convinced the Admiral that he was skirting a continent, and not an island. That Columbus thought to place there the region of the Biblical paradise shows that its continental features did not dissociate it from Asia. The New World of Vespucius was established by his own testimony as hardly more than a new part of Asia.

1525. Loyasa.

De Hoces discovers Cape Horn.

In 1525 Loyasa was sent to make further examination of Magellan's Strait. It was at this time that one of his ships, commanded by Francisco de Hoces, was driven south in February, 1526, and discovered Cape Horn, rendering the insular character of Tierra del Fuego all but certain. The fact was kept secret, and the map makers were not generally made aware of this terminal cape till Drake saw it, fifty-two years later. It was not till 1615-17 that Schouten and Lemaire made clear the eastern limits of Tierra del Fuego when they discovered the passage between that island and Staten Island, and during the same interval Schouten doubled Cape Horn for the first time. It was in 1618-19 that the observations of Nodal first gave the easterly bend to the southern extremity of the continent.

1535. Chili.

The last stretch of the main coast of South America to be made out was that on the Pacific side from the point where Magellan turned away from it up to the bounds of Peru, where Pizarro and his followers had mapped it. This trend of the coast began to be understood about 1535; but it was some years before its details got into maps. The final definition of it came from Camargo's voyage in 1540, and was first embodied with something like accuracy in Juan Freire's map of 1546, and was later helped by explorations from the north. But this proximate precision gave way in 1569 to a protuberant angle of the Chili coast, as drawn by Mercator, which in turn lingered on the chart till the next century.

* * *

Cartographical views.

We need now to turn from these records of the voyagers to see what impression their discoveries had been making upon the cartographers and geographers of Europe.

Sylvanus's Ptolemy. 1511.

Bernardus Sylvanus Ebolensis, in a new edition of Ptolemy which was issued at Venice in 1511, paid great attention to the changes necessary to make Ptolemy's descriptions correspond to later explorations in the Old World, but less attention to the more important developments of the New World. Nordenski?ld thinks that this condition of Sylvanus's mind shows how little had been the impression yet made at Venice by the discoveries of Columbus and Da Gama. The maps of this Ptolemy are woodcuts, with type let in for the names, which are printed in red, in contrast with the black impressed from the block.

Nordenski?ld gores.

Sylvanus's map is the second engraved map showing the new discoveries, and the earliest of the heart-shaped projections. It has in "Regalis Domus" the earliest allusion to the Cortereal voyage in a printed map. Sylvanus follows Ruysch in making Greenland a part of Asia. The rude map gores of about the same date which Nordenski?ld has brought to the attention of scholars, and which he considers to have been made at Ingolstadt, agree mainly with this map of Sylvanus, and in respect to the western world both of these maps, as well as the Sch?ner globe of 1515, seem to have been based on much the same material.




1512. Stobnicza map.

We find in 1512, where we might least expect it, one of the most remarkable of the early maps, which was made for an introduction to Ptolemy, published at this date at Cracow, in Poland, by Stobnicza. This cartographer was the earliest to introduce into the plane delineation of the globe the now palpable division of its surface into an eastern and western hemisphere. His map, for some reason, is rarely found in the book to which it belongs. Nordenski?ld says he has examined many copies of the book in the libraries of Scandinavia, Russia, and Poland, without finding a copy with it; but it is found in other copies in the great libraries at Vienna and Munich. He thinks the map may have been excluded from most of the editions because of its rudeness, or "on account of its being contrary to the old doctrines of the Church." Its importance in the growth of the ideas respecting the new discoveries in the western hemisphere is, however, very great, since for the first time it gives a north and south continent connected by an isthmus, and represents as never before in an engraved map the western hemisphere as an entirety. This is remarkable, as it was published a year before Balboa made his discovery of the Pacific Ocean. It is not difficult to see the truth of Nordenski?ld's statement that the map divides the waters of the globe into two almost equal oceans, "communicating only in the extreme south and in the extreme north," but the south communication which is unmistakable is by the Cape of Good Hope. The extremity of South America is not reached because of the marginal scale, and because of the same scale it is not apparent that there is any connection between the Pacific and Indian oceans, and for similar reasons connection is not always clear at the north. There must have been information at hand to the maker of this map of which modern scholars can find no other trace, or else there was a wild speculative spirit which directed the pencil in some singular though crude correspondence to actual fact. This is apparent in its straight conjectural lines on the west coast of South America, which prefigure the discoveries following upon the enterprise of Balboa and the voyage of Magellan.

The Lenox globe.

Da Vinci globe.

If Stobnicza, apparently, had not dared to carry the southern extremity of South America to a point, there had been no such hesitancy in the makers of two globes of about the same date,-the little copper sphere picked up by Richard M. Hunt, the architect, in an old shop in Paris, and now in the Lenox Library in New York, and the rude sketch, giving quartered hemispheres separated on the line of the equator, which is preserved in the cabinet of Queen Victoria, at Windsor, among the papers of Leonardo da Vinci. This little draft has a singular interest both from its association with so great a name as Da Vinci's, and because it bears at what is, perhaps, the earliest date to be connected with such cartographical use the name America lettered on the South American continent. Major has contended for its being the work of Da Vinci himself, but Nordenski?ld demurs. This Swedish geographer is rather inclined to think it the work of a not very well informed copier working on some Portuguese prototype.

1507-13. Admiral's map.

1515. Reisch's map.

It is worthy of remark that, in the same year with the discovery of the South Sea by Balboa, an edition of Ptolemy made popular a map which had indeed been cut in its first state as early as 1507, but which still preserved the contiguity of the Antilles to the region of the Ganges and its three mouths. This was the well-known "Admiral's map," usually associated with the name of Waldseemüller, and if this same cartographer, as Franz Wieser conjectures, is responsible for the map in Reisch's Margarita philosophica (1515), a sort of cyclop?dia, he had in the interim awaked to the significance of the discovery of Balboa, for the Ganges has disappeared, and Cipango is made to lie in an ocean beyond the continental Zoana Mela (America), which has an undefined western limit, as it had already been depicted in the Stobnicza map of 1512.



First modern atlas.

It was in this Strassburg Ptolemy of 1513 that Ringmann, who had been concerned in inventing the name of America, revised the Latin of Angelus, using a Greek manuscript of Ptolemy for the purpose. Nordenski?ld speaks of this edition as the first modern atlas of the world, extended so as to give in two of its maps-that known as the "Admiral's map," and another of Africa-the results following upon the discoveries of Columbus and Da Gama. This "Admiral's map," which has been so often associated with Columbus, is hardly a fair representation of the knowledge that Columbus had attained, and seems rather to be the embodiment of the discoveries of many, as the description of it, indeed, would leave us to infer; while the other American chart of the volume is clearly of Portuguese rather than of Spanish origin, as may be inferred by the lavish display of the coast connected with the descriptions by Vespucius. On the other hand, nothing but the islands of Espa?ola and Cuba stand in it for the explorations of Columbus. Both of these maps are given elsewhere in this Appendix.

REISCH, 1515.


[From Bunbury's Ancient Geography.]

Asiatic connection of North America.

We could hardly expect, indeed, to find in these maps of the Ptolemy of 1513 the results of Balboa's discovery at the isthmus; but that the maps were left to do service in the edition of 1520 indicates that the discovery of the South Sea had by no means unsettled the public mind as to the Asiatic connection of the regions both north and south of the Antilles. Within the next few years several maps indicate the enduring strength of this conviction. A Portuguese portolano of 1516-20, in the Royal Library at Munich, shows Moslem flags on the coasts of Venezuela and Nicaragua. A map of Ayllon's discoveries on the Atlantic coast in 1520, preserved in the British Museum, has a Chinaman and an elephant delineated on the empty spaces of the continent. Still, geographical opinions had become divided, and the independent continental masses of Stobnicza were having some ready advocates.



[From Reusner's Icones.]

Vienna geographers.

Pomponius Mela.



1520. Apianus.

There was at this time a circle of geographers working at Vienna, re?diting the ancient cosmographers, and bringing them into relations with the new results of discovery. Two of these early writers thus attracting attention were Pomponius Mela, whose Cosmographia dated back to the first century, and Solinus, whose Polyhistor was of the third. The Mela fell to the care of Johann Camers, who published it as De Situ Orbis at Vienna in 1512, at the press of Singrein; and this was followed in 1518 by another issue, taken in hand by Joachim Watt, better known under the Latinized name of Vadianus, who had been born in Switzerland, and who was one of the earlier helpers in popularizing the name of America. The Solinus, the care of which was undertaken by Camers, the teacher of Watt, was produced under these new auspices at the same time. Two years later (1520) both of these old writers attained new currency while issued together and accompanied by a map of Apianus,-as the German Bienewitz classicized his name,-in which further iteration was given to the name of America by attaching it to the southern continent of the west.

A strait at the Isthmus of Panama.

1515. Sch?ner.

Antarctic continent.

In this map Apianus, in 1520, was combining views of the western hemisphere, which had within the few antecedent years found advocacy among a new school of cartographers. These students represented the northern and southern continents as independent entities, disconnected at the isthmus, where Columbus had hoped to find his strait. This is shown in the earliest of the Sch?ner globes, the three copies of which known to us are preserved, one at Frankfort and two at Weimar. It is in the Luculentissima Descriptio, which was written to accompany this Sch?ner globe of 1515, where we find that statement already referred to, which chronicles, as Wieser thinks, an earlier voyage than Magellan's to the southern strait, which separated the "America" of Vespucius from that great Antarctic continent which did not entirely disappear from our maps till after the voyage of Cook.

1515. Reisch.


It is a striking instance of careless contemporary observation, which the student of this early cartography has often to confront, that while Reisch, in his popular cyclop?dia of the Margarita Philosophica which he published first in 1503, gave not the slightest intimation of the discoveries of Columbus, he did not much improve matters in 1515, when he ignored the discoveries of Balboa, and reproduced in the main the so-called "Admiral's map" of the Ptolemy of 1513. It is to be observed, however, that Reisch was in this reproduced map of 1515 the first of map makers to offer in the word "Prisilia" on the coast of Vespucius the prototype of the modern Brazil. It will be remembered that Cabral had supposed it an island, and had named it the Isla de Santa Cruz. The change of name induced a pious Portuguese to believe it an instigation of the devil to supplant the remembrance of the holy and sacred wood of the great martyr by the worldly wood, which was commonly used to give a red color to cloth!

Theories of seamanship.

In 1519, in the Suma de Geographia of Fernandez d'Enciso, published later at Seville, in 1530, we have the experience of one of Ojeda's companions in 1509. This little folio, now a scarce book, is of interest as first formulating for practical use some of the new theories of seamanship as developed under the long voyages at this time becoming common. It has also a marked interest as being the earliest book of the Spanish press which had given consideration at any length to the new possessions of Spain.

1522. Frisius.

We again find a similar indisposition to keep abreast of discovery, so perplexing to later scholars, in the new-cast edition of Ptolemy in 1522, which contains the well-known map of Laurentius Frisius. It is called by Nordenski?ld, in subjecting it to analysis in his Facsimile Atlas, "an original work, but bad beyond all criticism, as well from a geographical as from a xylographical point of view." One sees, indeed, in the maps of this edition, no knowledge of the increase of geographical knowledge during later years. We observe, too, that they go back to Behaim's interpretation of Marco Polo's India, for the eastern shores of Asia. The publisher, Thomas Ancuparius, seems never to have heard of Columbus, or at least fails to mention him, while he awards the discovery of the New World to Vespucius. The maps, reduced in the main from those of the edition of 1513, were repeated in those of 1525, 1535, and 1541, without change and from the same blocks.


The results of the voyage of Magellan and Del Cano promptly attained a more authentic record than usually fell to the lot of these early ocean experiences.

1523. Magellan's voyage described.

The company which reached Spain in the "Victoria" went at once to Valladolid to report to the Emperor, and while there a pupil and secretary of Peter Martyr, then at Court, Maximilianus Transylvanus by name, got from these men the particulars of their discoveries, and, writing them out in Latin, he sent the missive to his father, the Archbishop of Salzburg,-the young man was a natural son of this prelate,-and in some way the narrative got into print at Cologne and Rome in 1523.

1523. Sch?ner.

Rosenthal gores.

Sch?ner printed in 1523 a little tract, De nuper ... repertis insulis ac regionibus to elucidate a globe which he had at that time constructed. It was published at Timirip?, as the imprint reads, which has been identified by Coote as the Grecized form of the name of a small village not far from Bamberg, where Sch?ner was at that time a parochial vicar. When a new set of engraved gores were first brought to light by Ludwig Rosenthal, in Munich, in 1885, they were considered by Wieser, who published an account of them in 1888, as the lost globe of Sch?ner. Stevens, in a posthumous book on Johann Sch?ner, expressed a similar belief. This was a view which Stevens's editor, C. H. Coote, accepted. The opinion, however, is open to question, and Nordenski?ld finds that the Rosenthal gores have nothing to do with the lost globe of Sch?ner, and puts them much later, as having been printed at Nuremberg about 1540.

* * *

Political aspects of Magellan's voyage.


The voyage of Magellan had reopened the controversy of Spain with Portugal, stayed but not settled by the treaty of Tordesillas. Estevan Gomez, a recusant captain of Magellan's fleet, who had deserted him just as he was entering the straits, had arrived in Spain May 6, 1521, and had his own way for some time in making representation of the foolhardiness of Magellan's undertaking.

On March 27, 1523, Gomez received a concession from the Emperor to go on a small armed vessel for a year's cruise in the northwest, to make farther search for a passage, but he was not to trespass on any Portuguese possession. The disputes between Portugal and Spain intensifying, Gomez's voyage was in the mean time put off for a while.

Dispute over the Moluccas.

Congress at Badajos.


Gomara tells us that, in the opinion of his time, the Spaniards had gained the Moluccas, at the conference at Tordesillas, by yielding to the demands of the Portuguese, so that what Portugal gained in Brazil and Newfoundland she lost in Asia and adjacent parts. The Portuguese historian, Osorius, viewed it differently; he counted in the American gain for his country, but he denied the Spanish rights at the antipodes. So the longitude of the Moluccas became a sharp political dispute, which there was an attempt to settle in 1524 in a congress of the two nations that was convened alternately at Badajos and Elvas, situated on opposite sides of the Caya, a stream which separates the two countries.

Council of the Indies.

Ferdinand Columbus, by a decree of February 19, 1524, had been made one of the arbiters. After two months of wrangling, each side stood stiff in its own opinions, and it was found best to break up the congress. Following upon the dissolution of this body, the Spanish government was impelled to make the management of the Indies more effective than it had been under the commissions which had existed, and on August 18, 1524, the Council of the Indies was reorganized in more permanent form.

Gomez's voyage.

An immediate result of the interchange of views at Badajos was a renewal of the Gomez project, to examine more carefully the eastern coast of what is now the United States, in the hopes of yet discovering a western passage. Of that voyage, which is first mentioned in the Sumario of Oviedo in 1526, and of the failure of its chief aim, enough has already been said in the early part of this appendix.

It has been supposed by Harrisse that the results of this voyage were embodied in the earliest printed Spanish map which we have showing lines of latitude and longitude,-that found in a joint edition of Martyr and Oviedo (1534), and which is only known in a copy now in the Lenox Library.

The purpose which followed upon the congress of Badajos, to penetrate the Atlantic coast line and find a passage to the western sea, was communicated to Cortes, then in Mexico, some time before the date of his fourth letter, October 15, 1524. The news found him already convinced of the desirableness of establishing a port on the great sea of the west, and he selected Zucatula as a station for the fleets which he undertook to build.

1526. Cortes sends ships to the Moluccas.

The Moluccas sold to Portugal.

Other projects delayed the preparations which were planned, and it was not till September 3, 1526, that Cortes signified to the Emperor his readiness to send his ships to the Moluccas. After a brief experimental trip up the coast from Zucatula, three of his vessels were finally dispatched, in October, 1527, on a disastrous voyage to those islands, where the purpose was to confront the Portuguese pretensions. It so happened, meanwhile, that Charles V. needed money for his projects in Italy, and he called Ferdinand Columbus to Court to consult with him about a sale of his rights in the Moluccas to Portugal. Ferdinand made a report, which has not come down to us, but a decision to sell was reached, and the Portuguese King agreed to the price of purchase on June 20, 1530. Thus the Moluccas, which had been so long the goal of Spanish ambition, pass out of view in connection with American discovery.

There is some ground for the suspicion, if not belief, that the Portuguese from the Moluccas had before this pushed eastward across the Pacific, and had even struck the western verge of that continent which separated them from the Spanish explorers on the Atlantic side.



North America, east coast.


We come next to some further developments on the eastern coast of North America. A certain French corsair, known from his Florentine birth as Juan Florin, had become a terror by preying on the Spanish commerce in the Indies. In January, 1524, he was on his way, under the name of Verrazano, in the expedition which has given him fame, and has supplied not a little ground for contention, and even for total distrust of the voyage as a fact. He struck the coast of North Carolina, turned south, but, finding no harbor, retraced his course, and, making several landings farther north, finally entered, as it would seem from his description, the harbor of New York. The only point that he names is a triangular island which he saw as he went still farther to the east, and which has been supposed to be Block Island, or possibly Martha's Vineyard. At all events, the name Luisa which he gave to it after the mother of Francis I. clung to an island in this neighborhood in the maps for some time longer. So he went on, and, if his landings have been rightly identified, he touched at Newport, then at some place evidently near Portsmouth in New Hampshire, and then, skirting the islands of the Maine coast, he reached the country which he recognized as that where the Bretons had been. He now ended what he considered the exploration of seven hundred leagues of an unknown land, and bore away for France, reaching Dieppe in July, whence, on the 9th, he wrote the letter to the King which is the source of our information. Attempts have been made, especially by the late Henry C. Murphy, to prove this letter a forgery, but in the opinion of most scholars without success.


AGNESE, 1536.

The Verrazano map.

Fortunately for the student, Hieronimo da Verrazano made, in 1529, a map, still preserved in the college of the Propaganda at Rome, in which the discoveries of his brother, Giovanni, are laid down. In this the name of Nova Gallia supplants that of Francesca, which had been used in the map of Maiollo (1527), supposed, also, to have some relation to the Verrazano voyage.

MüNSTER, 1540.

[1st part]

MüNSTER, 1540. (complete view)

The most distinguishing feature of the Verrazano map is a great inland expanse of water, which was taken to be a part of some western ocean, and which remained for a long while in some form or other in the maps. It was made to approach so near the Atlantic that at one point there was nothing but a slender isthmus connecting the discoveries of the north with the country of Ponce de Leon and Ayllon at the south.

MüNSTER, 1540.

[2nd part]

MüNSTER, 1540. (complete view)

The sea of Verrazano.

It is in the Sumario (1526) of Oviedo that we get the first idea of this sea of Verrazano, as Brevoort contends, and we see it in the Maiollo map of the next year, called "Mare Indicum," as if it were an indentation of the great western ocean of Balboa. It was a favorite fancy of Baptista Agnese, in the series of portolanos associated with his name during the middle of the century, and in which he usually indicated supposable ocean routes to Asia. As time went on, the idea was so far modified that this indentation took the shape of a loop of the Arctic seas, or of that stretch of water which at the north connected the Atlantic and Pacific, as shown in the Münster map in the Ptolemy of 1540,-a map apparently based on the portolanos of Agnese,-though the older form of the sea seems to be adopted in the globe of Ulpius (1542). This idea of a Carolinian isthmus prevailed for some years, and may have grown out of a misconception of the Carolina sounds, though it is sometimes carried far enough north, as in the Lok map of 1582, to seem as if Buzzard's Bay were in some way thought to stretch westerly into its depths. The last trace of this mysterious inner ocean, so far as I have discovered, is in a map made by one of Ralegh's colonists in 1585, and preserved among the drawings of John White in the De Bry collection of the British Museum, and brought to light by Dr. Edward Eggleston. This drawing makes for the only time that I have observed it, an actual channel at "Port Royal," leading to this oceanic expanse, which was later interpreted as an inland lake. Thus it was that this geographical blunder lived more or less constantly in a succession of maps for about sixty years, until sometimes it vanished in a large lake in Carolina, or in the north it dwindled until it began to take a new lease of life in an incipient Hudson's Bay, as in the great Lake of Tadenac, figured in the Molineaux map of 1600, and in the Lago Dagolesme in the Botero map of 1603.



[Communicated by Dr. Edward Eggleston.]


It was apparently during the voyage of Verrazano that an Indian name which was understood as "Aranbega" was picked up along the northern coasts as designating the region, and which a little later was reported by others as "Norumbega," and so passed into the mysterious and fabled nomenclature of the coast with a good deal of the unstableness that attended the fabulous islands of the Atlantic in the fancy of the geographers of the Middle Ages. As a definition of territory it gradually grew to have a more and more restricted application, coming down mainly after a while to the limits of the later New England, and at last finding, as Dr. Dee (1580), Molineaux (1600), and Champlain (1604) understood it, a home on the Penobscot. Still the region it represented contracted and expanded in people's notions, and on maps the name seemed to have a license to wander.

* * *


The English on the coast.

William Hawkins.

During this period the English also were up and down the coast, but they contributed little to our geographical knowledge. Slave-catching on the coast of Guinea, and lucrative sales of the human plunder in the Spanish West Indies and neighboring regions, seem to have taken William Hawkins and others of his countrymen to these coasts not infrequently between 1525 and 1540.

John Rut.

There is some reason to believe that John Rut, an Englishman, may have explored the northeast coasts of the present United States in 1527, a proposition, however, open to argument, as the counter reasonings of Dr. Kohl and Dr. De Costa show. It is certain that at this time Robert Thorne, an English merchant living in Seville, was gaining what knowledge he could to promote English enterprise in the north, and there has come down to us the map which in 1527 he gave to the English ambassador in Spain, Edward Leigh, to be transmitted to Henry VIII.

* * *

Progress of maritime art.

It was in 1526 when the Spanish authorities thought that the time was fitting for making a sort of register of the progress of discovery and of the attendant cartographical advances. Nordenski?ld says that "from the beginning of the printing of maps the graduations of latitude and longitude were marked down in most printed maps, at least in the margin;" the most conspicuous example of omitting these being, perhaps, in the work of Sebastian Münster, at a period a little later than the one we have now reached.

Latitude and longitude.

In 1503 Reisch for the first time settled upon something like the modern methods of indicating latitude and longitude in the map which he annexed to his Margarita philosophica at Freiburg, though so far as climatic lines could stand for latitudinal notions, Pierre d'Ailly had set an example of scaling the zones from the equator in his map of 1410. The Spaniards, however, did not fall into the method of Reisch, so far as published maps are concerned, till long afterwards (1534).

Italian maps.

Up to the time when the Strassburg Ptolemy was issued, in 1513, the chief activity in map-making had been in Italy. The cartographers of that country got what they could from Spain, but the main dependence was on Portuguese sources, though the rivals of Spain were not always free in imparting the knowledge of their hydrographical offices, since we find Robert Thorne, in 1527, charging the Portuguese with having falsified their records. It is worthy of remark that no official map of the Indies was published in Spain till 1790.


[From Reusner's Icones, 1590.]

Cartographical activity north of the Alps.

Map projections.

After 1513, and so on to the middle of the century, it was to the north of the Alps that the cosmographical students turned for the latest light upon all oceanic movements. The question of longitude was the serious one which both navigators and map makers encountered. The carto

graphers were trying all sorts of experiments in representing the converging meridians on a plane surface, so as not to distort the geography, and in order to afford some manifest method for the guidance of ships.

Lunar observations.


These experiments resulted, as Nordenski?ld counts, in something like twenty different projections being devised before 1600. For the seaman the difficulty was no less burdensome in trying to place his ship at sea, or to map the contours of the coasts he was following. The navigator's main dependence was the course he was steering and an estimate of his progress. He made such allowance as he could for his drift in the currents. We have seen how the imperfection of his instruments and the defects of his lunar tables misled Columbus egregiously in the attempts which he made to define the longitude of the Antilles. He placed Espa?ola at 70° west of Seville, and La Cosa came near him in counting it about 68°, so far as one can interpret his map. The Dutch at this time were beginning to grasp the idea of a chronometer, which was the device finally to prove the most satisfactory in these efforts.

Earliest sea-atlas.

Reinerus Gemma of Friesland, known better as Gemma Frisius, began to make the Dutch nautical views better known when he suggested, a few years later, the carrying of time in running off the longitudes, and something of his impress on the epoch was shown in the stand which a pupil, Mercator, took in geographical science. The Spieghel der Zeevaardt of Lucas Wagenaer, in 1584 (Leyden), was the first sea-atlas ever printed, and showed again the Dutch advance.

There were also other requirements of sea service that were not forgotten, among which was a knowledge of prevalent winds and ocean currents, and this was so satisfactorily acquired that the return voyage from the Antilles came, within thirty years after Columbus, to be made with remarkable ease. Oviedo tells us that in 1525 two caravels were but twenty-five days in passing from San Domingo to the river of Seville.

Two of the duties imposed by the Spanish government upon the Casa de la Contratacion, soon after the discovery of the New World, were to patronize invention to the end of discovering a process for making fresh water out of salt, and to improve ships' pumps,-the last a conception not to take effective shape till Ribero, the royal cosmographer, secured a royal pension for such an invention in 1526.

* * *

Congress of pilots at Seville.

It was in the midst of these developments, both of the practical parts of seamanship and of the progress of oceanic discovery, that in 1526 there was held at Seville a convention of pilots and cosmographers, called by royal order, to consolidate and correlate all the cartographical data which had accumulated up to that time respecting the new discoveries.

Ferdinand Columbus.

Ferdinand Columbus was at this time in Seville, engaged in completing a house and library for himself, and in planting the park about them with trees brought from the New World, a single one of which, a West Indian sapodilla, was still standing in 1871. It was in this house that the convention sat, and Ferdinand Columbus presided over it, while the examinations of the pilots were conducted by Diego Ribero and Alonso de Chaves.


1527-29. Maps.

There have come down to us two monumental maps, the outgrowth of this convention. One of these is dated at Seville, in 1527, purporting to be the work of the royal cosmographer, and has been usually known by the name of Ferdinand Columbus; and the other, dated 1529, is known to have been made by Diego Ribero, also a royal cosmographer. These maps closely resemble each other.


[After sketch in E. Mayer's Die Entwicklung der Seekarten (Wien, 1877).]

The Weimar chart of 1527, which Kohl, Stevens, and others have assigned to Ferdinand Columbus, has been ascribed by Harrisse to Nu?o Garcia de Toreno, but by Coote, in editing Stevens on Sch?ner, it is assigned to Ribero, as a precursor of his undoubted production of 1529.

Idea of a new continent spreading.

We have seen how, succeeding to the belief of Columbus that the new regions were Asia, there had grown up, a few years after his death, in spite of his audacious notarial act at Cuba, a strong presumption among geographical students that a new continent had been found. We have seen this conception taking form with more or less uncertainty as to its western confines immediately upon, and even anticipating, the discovery of the actual South Sea by Balboa, and can follow it down in the maps or globes of Stobnicza and Da Vinci, in that known as the Lenox globe, in those called the Tross and Nordenski?ld gores, the Sch?ner and Hauslab globes, the Ptolemy map of 1513, and in those of Reisch, Apianus, Laurentius Frisius, Maiollo, Bordone, Homem, and Münster,-not to name some others. In twenty years it had come to be a prevalent belief, and men's minds were turned to a consideration of the possibility of this revealed continent having been, after all, known to the ancients, as Glareanus, quoting Virgil, was the earliest to assert in 1527.


[1st part]

THE NANCY GLOBE. (complete view)

Reaction in the monk Franciscus.

About 1525 there came a partial reaction, as if the discovery of Balboa had been pushed too far in its supposed results. We find this taking form in 1526, in an identification of North America with eastern Asia in a map ascribed to the monk Franciscus, while South America is laid down as a continental island, separated from India by a strait only. The strait is soon succeeded by an isthmus, and in this way we get a solution of the problem which had some currency for half a century or more.

Orontius Fin?us.

Orontius Fin?us was one of these later compromisers in cartography, in a map which he is supposed to have made in 1531, but which appeared the next year in the Novus Orbis (1532) of Simon Gryn?us, and was used in some later publications also. We find in this map, about the Gulf of Mexico, the names which Cortes had applied in his map of 1520 mingled with those of the Asiatic coast of Marco Polo. We annex a sketch of this map as reduced by Brevoort to Mercator's projection. A map very similar to this and of about the same date is preserved in the British Museum among the Sloane manuscripts, and the same bold solution of the difficulty is found in the Nancy globe of about 1540, and in the globe of Gaspar Vopel of 1543.


[2nd part]

THE NANCY GLOBE. (complete view)

Johann Sch?ner.

There is a good instance of the instability of geographical knowledge at this time in the conversion of Johann Sch?ner from a belief in an insular North America, to which he had clung in his globes of 1515 and 1520, to a position which he took in 1533, in his Opusculum Geographicum, where he maintains that the city of Mexico is the Quinsay of Marco Polo.


[After Cimelinus's Copperplate of 1566.]


[Reduced by Brevoort to Mercator's projection.]


The Pacific explored.


Previous to Cortes's departure for Spain in 1528, he had, as we have seen, dispatched vessels from Tehuantepec to the Moluccas, but nothing was done to explore the Pacific coast northward till his return to Mexico. In the spring or early summer of 1532 he sent Hurtado de Mendoza up the coast; but little success attending the exploration, Cortes himself proceeded to Tehuantepec and constructed other vessels, which sailed in October, 1533. A gale drove them to the west, and when they succeeded in working back and making the coast, they found themselves well up what proved to be the California peninsula. They now coasted south and developed its shape, which was further brought out in detail by an expedition led by Cortes himself in 1535, and by a later one sent by him under Francisco de Ulloa in 1539. Cortes had supposed the peninsula an island, but this expedition of 1539 demonstrated the fact that no passage to the outer sea existed at the head of the gulf, which these earliest navigators had called the Sea of Cortes. The conqueror of Mexico had now made his last expedition on the Pacific, and his name was not destined to be long connected with this new field of discovery, unless, indeed, it was a prompting of Cortes-hardly proved, however-which attached to this peninsular region the euphonious name of California, and which, after an interval when the gulf was called the Red Sea, was applied to that water also. The views of Ulloa were confirmed in part, at least, by Castillo in 1540, who has left us a map of the gulf.


The outer coast of the peninsula as far north as 28° 30' had been established in 1533. It was ten years later, in 1543, that Cabrillo, making his landfall in the neighborhood of 33°, just within the southern bounds of the present State of California, coasted up to Cape Mendocino, and perhaps to 44°, or nearly, to that spot, in the present State of Oregon. If Cabrillo, who had died January 3, 1543, did not himself go so high, the credit belongs to Ferrelo, his chief pilot.

Late in 1542 Mendoza sent an expedition under Ruy Lopez de Villalobos, across the Pacific, and if a map of Juan Freire, made in 1546, is an indication of his route, he seems to have gone higher up the coast than any previous explorer.

* * *

The Atlantic coast of North America.

While this development of the northwest coast of North America was going on, there were other discoverers still endeavoring on the Atlantic side to connect the waters of the two oceans.

1534. Cartier.

In April, 1534, Jacques Cartier, a jovial and roistering fellow, as Father Jouon des Longrais, his latest biographer, makes him out (Jacques Cartier, Paris, 1888), and who had led the roving life of a corsair in the recent wars of France, was now turning his energy to solve the great problem of this western passage. He sailed from St. Malo, and for the first time laid open, by an official examination, the inner spaces of the St. Lawrence Gulf, which might have been, indeed, and probably were, known earlier to the hardy Breton and Norman fishermen. We are deficient in a knowledge of the early frequenting of these coasts because the charts of such fishermen, and of those who visited the region for trade in peltries, have not come down to us, though Kohl thinks there is some likelihood of such records being preserved in a portolano of the British Museum.

The track of Cartier about the Gulf of St. Lawrence has caused some discussion and difference of opinion in the publications of Kohl, De Costa, Laverdière, and W. F. Ganong, the latter writer claiming, in a careful paper in the Transactions of the Royal Society of Canada for 1889, that in the correct interpretation of Cartier's first voyage we find a key to the cartography of the gulf for almost a century.

The Rotz map of 1542 seems to be the earliest map which we know to show a knowledge of Cartier's first voyage. The Henri II. map of 1542 still more develops his work of exploration.

The chance of further discovery in this direction induced the French king once more to commission Cartier, October 30, 1534, and early in 1535 his little fleet sailed, and by August, after some discouragements, not lessened when he found the water freshening, he began to ascend the St. Lawrence River, reaching the site of Montreal. No map by Cartier himself is preserved, though it is known that he made such. Thenceforward the cartography of this northeastern region showed the St. Lawrence Gulf in a better development of the earlier so-called Square Gulf and of the great river of Canada. It is of record that Francis I., in commissioning Cartier, considered that he was dispatching him to ascend an Asiatic river, and the name of Lachine even to-day is preserved as evidence of the belief which Cartier entertained that he was within the bounds of China.


John Rotz's map.

John Rotz's Boke of Idiography-a manuscript of 1542, preserved in the British Museum-shows, in his drawing of the region about the Gulf of St. Lawrence, certain signs, as Kohl thinks, of having had access to the charts of Cartier, and Harrisse traces in them the combined influence of the Portuguese and Dieppe navigators.

The Cartier voyages seem to have made little impression outside of France, and we find for some years few traces of his discoveries in the portolanos of Italy and in the maps of the rest of Europe. It was only when the expedition of Roberval, in 1540-41, excited attention that the rest of Europe seemed to recognize these French efforts.

HOMEM, 1558.


Cartier's later voyages.


The later voyages of Cartier, in 1541 and 1543, revealed nothing more of general geographical interest. Indeed, the hope of a western passage in this direction had been abandoned in effect after Cartier's second voyage, although the pilot Allefonsce, who accompanied a later expedition, had been detailed to explore the Labrador coast to that end, and had been turned back by ice. After this he seems to have gone south into a great bay, under 42°, the end of which he did not reach. This may have been the large expanse partly shut in by Cape Sable (Nova Scotia) and Cape Cod, now called in the coast survey charts the Gulf of Maine; or perhaps it may conform, taking into account his registered latitude, to the inner bight of it called Massachusetts Bay. At all events, Allefonsce believed himself on coasts contiguous to Tartary, through which he had hopes to find access to the more hospitable orient (occident) farther south. He apparently had something of the same notion regarding the westerly stretch of water which he found below Cape Cod, extending he knew not where, along the inclosure of the present Long Island Sound.

In the years both before and after the middle of the century, French vessels were on this coast in considerable numbers for purposes of trade or for protecting French interests, but we know nothing of any accessions to geographical knowledge which they made.


Allefonsce speaks of the Saguenay as widening, when he went up, till it seemed to be an arm of the sea, and "I think the same," he adds, "runs into the Sea of Cathay;" and so he draws it on one of his maps,-an idea made more general in the map of Homem in 1558, where the St. Lawrence really becomes a channel, locked by islands, bordering an Arctic Sea. Ramusio, in 1553, has inferred from such reports as he could get of Cartier's explorations, that his track had lain in channels bounded by islands, and a similar view had already been expressed in a portolano of 1536, preserved in the Bodleian, which Kohl associates with Homem or Agnese. The oceanic expansion of the Saguenay is preserved as late as the Molineaux map of 1600.

River of Norumbega.

It is to the work of Allefonsce that we probably owe another confusion of this northern cartography in the sixteenth century. What we now know as Penobscot Bay and River was called by him the River of Norumbega, and he seems to have given some ground for believing that this river connected the waters of the Atlantic with the great river of Canada, just as we find it later shown upon Gastaldi's map in Ramusio, by Ruscelli in 1561, by Martines in 1578, by Lok in 1582, and by Jacques de Vaulx in 1584.

Greenland connects Europe and America.

While this idea of the north was developing, there came in another that made the peninsular Greenland of the ante-Columbian maps grow into a link of land connecting Europe with the Americo-Asiatic main, so that one might in truth perambulate the globe dryshod. We find this conception in the maps of the Bavarian Ziegler (1532), and in the Italians Ruscelli (1544) and Gastaldi (1548),-the last two represented in the Ptolemies of those years published in Italy. But these Italian cosmographers were by no means constant in their belief, as Ruscelli showed in his Ptolemy of 1561, and Gastaldi in his Ramusio map of 1550.


Asia and America joined in the higher latitudes.


As the Pacific explorations were stretched northward from Mexico, and the peninsula of California was brought into prominence, there remained for some time a suspicion that the western ocean made a great northerly bend, so as to sever North America from Asia except along the higher latitudes. We find this northerly extension of the Pacific in a map of copper preserved in the Carter-Brown library, which seems to have been the work of a Florentine goldsmith somewhere about 1535; in the Carta Marina of Gastaldi in 1548; and it even exists in maps of a later date, like that of Paolo de Furlani (1560) and that of Myritius (1587).

ZALTIéRE, 1560.

Entanglement of the American and Asiatic coasts.

1728. Bering.

This map of Myritius, which appeared in his Opusculum Geographicum, published at Ingolstadt in 1590, is the work of, perhaps, the last of the geographers who did not leave more or less doubt about the connection of North America with Asia. So it took about a full century for the entanglement of the coasts of Asia and America, which Columbus had imagined, to be practically eradicated from the maps. Not that there were not doubters, even very early, but the faith in a new continent grew slowly and had many set-backs; nor did the Asiatic connection fade entirely out, as among the possibilities of geography, for considerably more than a century yet to come. The uncertainties of the higher latitudes kept knowledge in suspense, and even the English settlers on the northerly coasts of the United States were not quite sure.


Thomas Morton, the chronicler of a colony on the Massachusetts shores, felt it necessary, so late as 1636, to make a reservation that possibly the mainland of America bordered on the land of the Tartars. Indeed, no one could say positively, though much was conjectured, that there was not a terrestrial connection in the extreme northwest, under arctic latitudes, till Bering in 1728, two hundred and thirty-six years after Columbus offered his prayer at San Salvador, passed from the Pacific into the polar waters. This became the solution of the fabled straits of Anian, an inheritance from the very earliest days of northern exploration, which, after the middle of the sixteenth century, was revived in the maps of Martines, Zaltière, Mercator, Porcacchi, Furlani, and Wytfliet, prefiguring the channel which Bering passed. Much in the same way as the southern apex of South America was a vision in men's minds long before Magellan found his way to the Pacific.

1536. Chaves.

1538. Mercator.

1540. Hartmann gores.

But we have anticipated a little. Coincident with the efforts of Cartier to discover this northern passage we mark other navigators working at the same problem. The Spaniard Alonso de Chaves made a chart of this eastern coast in 1536; but we only know of its existence from the description of it written by Oviedo in 1537. In the earliest map which we have from the hand of Gerard Mercator, and of which the only copy known was discovered some years ago by the late James Carson Brevoort, of New York, we find the northern passage well defined in 1538, and a broad channel separating the western coast of America from a parallel coast of Asia,-a kind of delineation which is followed in some globe-gores of about 1540, which Nordenski?ld thinks may have been the work of George Hartmann, of Nuremberg. This map is evidently based on Portuguese information, and that Swedish scholar finds no ground for associating it with the lost globe of Sch?ner, as Stevens has done. A facsimile of part of it has already been given.

1540-45. Münster.

Sebastian Münster, in his maps in the Ptolemy of 1540-45, makes a clear seaway to the Moluccas somewhere in the latitude of the Strait of Belle Isle. Münster was in many ways antiquated in his notions. He often resorted to the old device of the Middle Ages by supplying the place of geographical details with figures of savages and monsters.

* * *

We come now to two significant maps in the early history of American cartography.

Columbus had been dead five and thirty years when a natural result grew out of those circumstances which conspired to name the largest part of the new discoveries after a secondary pathfinder. We have seen that there seemed at first no injustice in the name of America being applied to a region in the main external to the range of Columbus's own explorations, and how it took nearly a half century before public opinion, as expressed in the protest of Sch?ner in 1533, recognized the injustice of using another's name.


[1st part]

MERCATOR'S GLOBE OF 1538. (complete view)

1541. Mercator.

Whether that protest was prompted by a tendency, already shown, to give the name to the whole western hemisphere is not clear; but certainly within eight years such a general application was publicly made, when Mercator, in drafting in 1541 some gores for a globe, divided the name AME-RICA so that it covered both North and South America, and qualified its application by a legend which says that the continent is "called to-day by many, New India." Thus a name that in the beginning was given to a part in distinction merely and without any reference to the entire field of the new explorations, was now become, by implication, an injustice to the great first discoverer of all. The mischief, aided by accident and by a not unaccountable evolution, was not to be undone, and, in the singular mutations of fate, a people inhabiting a region of which neither Columbus nor Vespucius had any conception are now distinctively known in the world's history as Americans.


[2nd part]

MERCATOR'S GLOBE OF 1538. (complete view)

These 1541 gores of Mercator were first made known to scholars a few years ago, when the Belgian government issued a facsimile edition of the only copy then known, which the Royal Library at Brussels had just acquired; but since there have been two other copies brought to light,-one at St. Nicholas in Belgium, and the other in the Imperial library at Vienna.

* * *

Henry II. map.

1544. Cabot map.

There are some indications on Spanish globes of about 1540, and in the Desceliers or Henry II. map of 1546, that the Spanish government had sent explorers to the region of Canada not long after Cartier's earliest explorations, and it is significant that the earliest published map to show these Cartier discoveries is the other of the two maps already referred to, namely, the Cabot mappemonde of 1544, which has been supposed a Spanish cartographical waif. Early publications of southern and middle Europe showed little recognition of the same knowledge.

MüNSTER, 1545.

The Cabot map has been an enigma to scholars ever since it was discovered in Germany, in 1843, by Von Martius. It was deposited the next year in the great library at Paris. It is a large elliptical world-map, struck from an engraved plate, and it bears sundry elucidating inscriptions, some of which must needs have come from Sebastian Cabot, others seem hardly to merit his authorship, and one acknowledges him as the maker of the map. There is, accordingly, a composite character to the production, not easily to be analyzed so as to show the credible and the incredible by clear lines of demarcation. We learn from it how it proclaimed for the first time the real agency of John Cabot in the discovery of North America, confirmed when Hakluyt, in 1582, printed the patent from Henry VII. There is an unaccountable year given for that discovery, namely, 1494, but we seem to get the true date when Michael Lok, in 1582, puts down "J. Cabot. 1497," against Cape Breton in his map of that year. As this last map appeared in Hakluyt's Divers Voyages, and as Hakluyt tells us of the existence of Cabot's maps and of his seeing them, we may presume that we have in this date of 1497 an authoritative statement. We learn also from this map of 1544 that the land first seen was the point of the island now called Cape Breton. Without the aid of this map, Biddle, who wrote before its discovery, had contended for Labrador as the landfall.


[Sketched from his gores.]


Scarcity of Spanish printed maps.

We know, on the testimony of Robert Thorne in 1527, if from no other source, that it was a settled policy of the Spanish government to allow no one but proper cartographical designers to make its maps, "for that peradventure it would not sound well to them that a stranger should know or discover their secrets." This doubtless accounts for the fact that, in the two hundred maps mentioned by Ortelius in 1570 as used by him in compiling his atlas, not one was published in Spain; and every bibliographer knows that not a single edition of Ptolemy, the best known channel of communicating geographical knowledge in this age of discovery, bears a Spanish imprint. The two general maps of America during the sixteenth century, which Dr. Kohl could trace to Spanish presses, were that of Medina in 1545 and that of Gomara in 1554, and these were not of a scale to be of any service in navigating.

Cabot's connection with the map of 1544.

There seem to be insuperable objections to considering that Sebastian Cabot had direct influence in the production of the map now under consideration. It is full of a lack of knowledge which it is not possible to ascribe to him. That it is based upon some drafts of Cabot is most probably true; but they are clearly drafts, confused and in some ways perverted, and eked out by whatever could be picked up from other sources.

That the Cabot map was issued in more than one edition is inferred partly from the fact that the legends which Chytr?us quotes from it differ somewhat from those now in the copy preserved in Paris; and indeed Harrisse finds reason to suppose that there may have been four different editions. That in some form or other it was better known in England than elsewhere is deduced from certain relations sustained with that country on the part of those who have mentioned the map,-Livio Sanuto, Ortelius, Sir Humphrey Gilbert, Richard Willes, Hakluyt, and Purchas.

Whoever its author and whatever its minor defects, this so-called Cabot map of 1544 may reasonably be accepted as the earliest really honest, unimaginative exhibition of the American continent which had been made. There was in it no attempt to fancy a northwest passage; no confidence in the marine or terrestrial actuality of the region now known to be covered by the north Pacific; no certainty about the entire western coast line of South America, though this might have been decided upon if the maker of the map had been posted to date for that region. The maker of it further showed nothing of that presumption, which soon became prevalent, of making Tierra del Fuego merely but one of the various promontories of an immense Antarctic continent, which later stood in the planispheres of Ortelius and Wytfliet.

MEDINA, 1544.

Geographical study transferred to Italy.

This map of Cabot was the last of the principal cartographical monuments made north of the Alps in this early half of the sixteenth century. The centre of geographical study was now transferred to Italy, where it had begun with the opening of the interest in oceanic discovery. For the next score years and more we must look mainly to Venice for the newer development.

MEDINA, 1544.

1548, Gastaldi.

In the Venice Ptolemy of 1548, we have for the first time a series of maps of the New World by Gastaldi, which were simply enlarged by Ruscelli in the edition of 1561, except in a few instances, where new details were added, like the making of Yucatan a peninsula instead of the island which Gastaldi had drawn. They were repeated in the edition of 1562.

Sea manuals.

Meanwhile the most popular sea manuals of this period were Spanish; but they studiously avoided throwing much light on the new geography.


[1st part]

WYTFLIET, 1597. (complete view)

That of Martin Cortes was the first to suggest a magnetic pole as distinct from the terrestrial pole. Its rival, the Arte de Navegar of Pedro de Medina, published at Valladolid in 1545, never reached the same degree of popularity, nor did it deserve to, for his notions were in some respects erratic.

The English in their theories of navigation had long depended on the teachings of the Spaniards, and Eden had translated the chief Spanish manual in his Arte of Navigation of 1561.


[2nd part]

WYTFLIET, 1597. (complete view)

Ship's log.

A great advance was possible now, for a new principle had been devised, and an estimate of the progress of a ship was no longer dependent on visual observation. The log had made it possible to put dead reckoning on a pretty firm basis. This was the great new feature of the Regiment of the Sea, which the Englishman, William Bourne, published in 1573; and sixteen years later, in 1589, another Englishman, Blunderville, made popularly known the new instrument for taking meridian altitudes at sea, the cross-staff, which had very early superseded the astrolabe on shipboard.

The inclination or dip of the needle, showing by its increase an approach to a magnetic pole, was not scaled till 1576, when Robert Norman made his observations, and it is not without some service to-day in that combination of phenomena of which Columbus noted the earliest traces in his first voyage of 1492.


Italian discoverers.

English discoverers.

It is significant how large a part in the cardinal discoveries of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries was taken by Italian navigators, seamen, shipwrights, mathematicians, and merchants, whether in Portugal or Spain, France or England. It is curious, too, to observe how, when the theoretical work and confirmatory explorations were finished, and the commercial spirit succeeded to that of science, England embarked with her adventurous spirit. The death of Queen Mary in 1558 was the signal for English exertion, and that exertion became ominous to all Europe in the reign of Elizabeth, accompanied by an intellectual movement, typified in Bacon and Shakespeare, similar to that which stirred the age of Columbus and the Italian renaissance.

John Hawkins.

John Hawkins and African marauders of his English kind were selling negro slaves in Espa?ola in 1562 and subsequent years, and from them we get our first English accounts of the Florida coast, which on their return voyages they skirted.

New France.

Spanish settlements fail at the north.

America had at this time been abandoned for a long while to Spain and France, and the latter power had only entered into competition with Charles V., when Francis I., as we have seen, had sent out Verrazano in 1521 to take possession of the north Atlantic coasts. Out of this grew upon the maps the designation of New France, which was attached to the main portion of the North American continent. And this French claim is recognized in the maps, painted about 1562, on the walls of the geographical gallery in the Vatican. So the French stole upon the possession of Spain in the West Indies; and the English followed in their wake, when the death of Mary rendered it easier for the English to smother their inherited antipathy to France. This done, the English in due time joined the French in efforts to gain an ascendency over Spain in the Indies, to compensate for the loss of such power in Italy. The Spaniards, though they had attempted to make settlements along the Chesapeake at different times between 1566 and 1573, never succeeded in making any impression on the history of this northern region.

* * *

The cartography of the north was at this period subject to two new influences; and both of them make large demands upon the credulity of scholarship in these latter days.

André Thevet.

Attempts have been made to trace some portion of the development of the coasts of the northeastern parts of the United States to the publications of a mendacious monk, André Thevet. He had been sent out to the French colony of Rio de Janeiro in 1555, where he remained prostrated with illness till he was able to re?mbark for France, January 31, 1556. In 1558 he published his Singularitez de la France Antarctique, a descriptive and conglomerate work, patched together from all such sources as he could pillage, professing to follow more or less his experiences on this voyage. He says nothing in it of his tracking along the east coast of the present United States. Seeking notoriety and prestige for his country, he pretends, however, in his Cosmographie published in 1575, to recount the experiences of the same voyage, and now he professes to have followed this same eastern coast to the region of Norumbega. Well-equipped scholars find no occasion to believe that these later statements were other than boldly conceived falsehoods, which he had endeavored to make plausible by the commingling of what he could filch from the narratives of others.

* * *

The Zeni story.


[1st part]

THE ZENI MAP. (complete view)

It was at this time also (1558) that there was published at Venice the strange and riddle-like narrative which purports to give the experiences of the brothers Zeni in the north Atlantic waters in the fourteenth century. The publication came at a time when, with the transfer of cartographical interest from over the Alps to the home of its earliest growth, the countrymen of Columbus were seeking to reinstate their credit as explorers, which during the fifteenth century and the early part of the sixteenth they had lost to the peoples of the Iberian peninsula. Anything, therefore, which could emphasize their claims was a welcome solace. This accounts both for the bringing forward at this time of the long-concealed Zeni narrative,-granting its genuineness,-and for the influence which its accompanying map had upon contemporary cartography. This map professed to be based upon the discoveries made by the Zeni brothers, and upon the knowledge acquired by them at the north in the fourteenth century. It accordingly indicated the existence of countries called Estotiland and Drogeo, lying to the west, which it was now easy to identify with the Baccalaos of the Cabots, and with the New France of the later French.

The Zeni map.

"If this remarkable map," says Nordenski?ld, "had not received extensive circulation under the sanction of Ptolemy's name," for it was copied in the edition of 1561 of that geographer, "it would probably have been soon forgotten. During nearly a whole century it had exercised an influence on the mapping of the northern countries to which there are few parallels to be found in the history of cartography." It is Nordenski?ld's further opinion that the Zeni map was drawn from an old map of the north made in the thirteenth century, from which the map found in the Warsaw Codex of Ptolemy of 1467 was also drawn. He further infers that some changes and additions were imposed to make it correspond with the text of the Zeni narrative.


[2nd part]

THE ZENI MAP. (complete view)

* * *

The year 1569 is marked by a stride in cartographical science, of which we have not yet outgrown the necessity.

THE WARSAW CODEX, 1467; after Nordenski?ld.

[1st part]

THE WARSAW CODEX, 1467; after Nordenski?ld. (complete view)

1569. Mercator's projection.

The plotting of courses and distances, as practiced by the early explorers, was subject to all the errors which necessarily accompany the lack of well-established principles, in representing the curved surface of the globe on a plane chart. Cumbrous and rude globes were made to do duty as best they could; but they were ill adapted to use at sea. Nordenski?ld (Facsimile Atlas, p. 22) has pointed out that Pirckheimer, in the Ptolemy of 1525, had seemingly anticipated the theory which Mercator now with some sort of prevision developed into a principle, which was applied in his great plane chart of 1569. The principle, however, was not definite enough in his mind for the clear exposition of formul?, and he seems not to have attempted to do more than rough-hew the idea. The hint was a good one, and it was left for the Englishman Edward Wright to put its principles into a formulated problem in 1599, a century and more after Columbus had dared to track the ocean by following latitudinal lines in the simplest manner.

THE WARSAW CODEX, 1467; after Nordenski?ld.

[2nd part]

THE WARSAW CODEX, 1467; after Nordenski?ld. (complete view)

It has been supposed that Wright had the fashioning of the large map which, on this same Mercator projection, Hakluyt had included in his Principall Navigations in 1599. Hondius had also adopted a like method in his mappemonde of the same year.

1570. The Theatrum of Ortelius.

Decline of Ptolemy.


In 1570 the publication of the great atlas of Abraham Ortelius showed that the centre of map-making had again passed from Italy, and had found a lodgment in the Netherlands. The Theatrum of Ortelius was the signal for the downfall of the Ptolemy series as the leading exemplar of geographical ideas. The editions of that old cartographer, with their newer revisions, never again attained the influence with which they had been invested since the invention of printing. This influence had been so great that Nordenski?ld finds that between 1520 and 1550 the Ptolemy maps had been five times as numerous as any other. They had now passed away; and it is curious to observe that Ortelius seems to have been ignorant of some of the typical maps anterior to his time, and which we now look to in tracing the history of American cartography, like those of Ruysch, Stobnicza, Agnese, Apianus, Vadianus, and Girava.


It has already been mentioned that when Ortelius published his Theatrum, and gave a list of ninety-nine makers of maps whom he had consulted, not a solitary one of Spanish make was to be found among them. It shows how effectually the Council of the Indies had concealed the cartographical records of their office.


1577. English explorations.

1548. Sebastian Cabot.

It was eighty years since the English under John Cabot had undertaken a voyage of discovery in the New World. The interval passed not without preparation for new efforts, which had for a time, however, been extended to the northwest rather than to the northeast. In 1548 Sebastian Cabot had returned to his native land to assume the first place in her maritime world. His influence in directing, and that of Richard Eden in informing, the English mind prepared the way for the advent of Frobisher, the younger Hawkins, and Drake.

1576. Frobisher.


1577-78. Frobisher.

Frobisher's voyage of 1576 was the true beginning of the arctic search for a northwest passage, all earlier efforts having been in lower latitudes. He had sought, by leaving Greenland on the right, to pass north of the great American barrier, and thus reach the land of spices. He congratulated himself on having found the long-desired strait, when, naming it for himself, he returned to England. Frobisher attempted to add to these earlier discoveries by a voyage the next year, 1577, but he made exploration secondary to mining for gold, and not much was done. A third voyage in 1578 brought him into Hudson's Straits, which he entered with the hope of finding it the channel to Cathay. But in all his voyages Frobisher only crossed the threshold of the arctic north.



The Zeni influence.

It was one of the results of Frobisher's voyages that they served to implant in the minds of the cartographers of the northern waters the notions of the Zeni geography, and aided to give those notions a new lease of favor. It is conjectured that Frobisher had the Zeni map with him, or its counterpart in one of the recent Ptolemies. This map had placed the point of Greenland under 66° instead of 61°, and under the last latitude this map had shown the southern coast of its insular Frisland. Therefore, when Frobisher saw land under 61°, which was in fact Greenland, he supposed it to be Frisland, and thus the maps after him became confused. A like mischance befell Davis, a little later. When this navigator found Greenland in 61°, he supposed it an island south of Greenland, which he called "Desolation," and the fancy grew up that Frobisher's route must have gone north of this island and between it and Greenland, and so we have in later maps this other misplacement of discoveries.


1577. Francis Drake.

While Frobisher was absent, Drake developed his great scheme of following in the southerly track of Magellan.

Drake sees Cape Horn.

Four years before (1573), being at Panama, he had seen from a treetop the great Pacific, and had resolved to be the first of the English to furrow its depths. In 1577, starting on his great voyage of circumnavigation, he soon added a new stretch of the Pacific coast to the better knowledge of the world. When he returned to England, he proved to be the first commander who had taken his ship, the "Pelican," later called the "Golden Hind" wholly round the globe, for Magellan had died on the way. Passing through Magellan's Strait and entering the Pacific, Drake's ship was separated from its companions and driven south. It was then he saw the Cape Horn of a later Dutch navigator, and proved the non-existence of that neighboring antarctic continent, which was still persistently to cling to the maps. Bereft of his other ships, which the storm had driven apart, Drake, during the early months of 1579, made havoc among the Spanish galleons which were on the South American coasts.


In March, 1579, surfeited with plunder, he started north from the coast of Mexico, to find a passage to the Atlantic in the upper latitudes.

In the north Pacific.

In June he had reached 42° north, though some have supposed that he went several degrees higher. He had met, however, a rigorous season, and his ropes crackled with the ice. The change was such a contrast to the allurements of his experiences farther to the south that he gave up his search for the strait that would carry him, as he had hoped, to the Atlantic, and, turning south, he reached a bay somewhere in the neighborhood of San Francisco, where he tarried for a while. Having placed the name of New Albion on the upper California coast, and fearing to run the hazards of the southern seas, where his plundering had made the Spaniards alert, he sailed westerly, and, rounding the Cape of Good Hope, reached England in due time, and was acknowledged to be the earliest of English circumnavigators.


It is one of the results of Drake's explorations in 1579-80 that we get in subsequent maps a more northerly trend to the California coast.

Confusion in the Pacific coast cartography.

Shortly after this, a great confusion in the maps of this Pacific region came in. From what it arose is not very apparent, except that absence of direct knowledge in geography opens a wide field for discursiveness. The Michael Lok map of 1582 indicates this uncertainty. It seemed to be the notion that the Arctic Sea was one and the same with that of Verrazano; also, that it came down to about the latitude of Puget Sound, and that the Gulf of California stretched nearly up to meet it.

* * *

Francisco Gali.

Proves the great width of the Pacific.

Francisco Gali, a Spanish commander, returning to Acapulco from China in 1583, tried the experiment of steering northward to about 38°, when he turned west and sighted the American coast in that latitude. At this point he steered south, and showed the practicability of following this circuitous route with less time than was required to buffet the easterly trades by a direct eastern passage. His experiment established one other fact, namely, the great width of water separating the two continents in those upper latitudes; for he had found it to be 1200 leagues across instead of there being a narrow strait, as the theorizing geographers had supposed. Gali seems also to have shown that the distance south from Cape Mendocino to the point of the California peninsula was not more than half as great as the maps had made it. His voyage was a significant source of enlightenment to the cartographers.

* * *

Eastern coast of North America.

1579. The English on the coast.

To return to the eastern coasts, an English vessel under Simon Ferdinando spent a short season in 1579 somewhere about the Gulf of Maine, and was followed the next year by another under John Walker, and in 1593 by still a third under Richard Strong.

Sir Humphrey Gilbert.

For eighty years England might have rested her claim to North America on the discoveries of the Cabots; but Queen Elizabeth first gave prominence to these pretensions when she granted to Sir Humphrey Gilbert in 1578 the right to make a settlement somewhere in these more northerly regions. Gilbert's first voyage accomplished nothing, and there was an interdict to prevent a second, since England might have use for daring seamen nearer home. "First," says Robert Hues, "Sir Humphrey Gilbert, with great courage and forces, attempted to make discovery of those parts of America which were yet unknown to the Spaniards; but the success was not answerable." The effort was not renewed till 1583, when Gilbert took possession of Newfoundland and attempted to make settlements farther south; but disaster followed him, and his ship foundered off the Azores on his return voyage.


Sir Walter Ralegh.

It was at this time that Sir Walter Ralegh came into prominence in pushing English colonization in America. He had been associated with his half-brother, Gilbert, in the earlier movements, but now he was alone. In 1584 he got his new charter, partly by reason of the urgency of Hakluyt in his Westerne Planting. Ralegh had his eye upon a more southern coast than Gilbert had aimed for,-upon one better fitted to develop self-dependent colonization. He knew that north of what was called Florida the Spaniards had but scantily tracked the country, and that they probably maintained no settlements. Therefore to reach a region somewhere south of the Chesapeake was the aim of the first company sent out under Ralegh's inspiration. These adventurers made their landfall where they could find no good inlet, and so sailed north, searching, until at last they reached the sounds on the North Carolina coast, and tarried awhile. Satisfied with the quality of the country, they returned to England; and their recitals so pleased Ralegh and the Queen that the country was named Virginia, and preparations were made to dispatch a colony. It went the next year, but its history is of no farther importance to our present purpose than that it marks the commencement of English colonization, disastrous though it was, on the North American continent, and the beginning of detailed English cartography of its coast, in the map, already referred to, which seems to open a passage, somewhere near Port Royal, to an interior sea.

* * *

1585-86. John Davis.

In 1585-86 John Davis had been buffeting among the icebergs of Greenland and the north in hopes to find a passage by the northwest; on June 30, 1587, he reached 72° 12' on the Greenland coast, and discovered the strait known by his name, and in 1595 when he published his World's Hydrographical Description, he maintained that he had touched the threshold of the northwest passage. He tells us that the globe of Molineaux shows how far he went.

English seamanship.

Seamanship owes more to Davis than to any other Englishman. In 1590, or thereabout, he improved the cross-staff, and giving somewhat more of complexity to it, he produced the back-staff. This instrument gave the observer the opportunity of avoiding the glare of the sun, since it was used with his back to that luminary; and when Flamsteed, the first astronomer royal at Greenwich, used a glass lens to throw reflected light, the first approach to the great principle of taking angles by reflection was made, which was later, in 1731, to be carried to a practical result in Hadley's quadrant.


The art of finding longitude was still in an uncertain state. Gemma Frisius, as we have noted, had as early as 1530 divined the method of carrying time by a watch; but it was not till 1726 that anything really practicable came of it, in a timekeeper constructed by Harrison. This watch was continually improved by him up to 1761, when the method of ascertaining longitude by chronometer became well established; and a few years later (1767) the first nautical almanac was published, affording a reasonably good guide in lunar distances, as a means in the computations of longitude.


In 1676 the Greenwich observatory had been founded to attempt the rectification of lunar tables, then so erroneous that the calculations for longitude were still uncertain. In 1701 Edmund Halley had published his great variation charts. These dates will fix in the reader's mind the advance of scientific skill as applied to navigation and discovery. It will be well also to remember that in 1594 Davis published his Seaman's Secrets, the first manual in the English tongue, written by a practical sailor, in which the principles of great circle sailing were explained.

* * *

1583-84. Earliest marine atlas.

1592. Dutch West India Company.


The first marine atlas had been printed at Leyden in 1583-84; but the Dutch had not at that time taken any active part in the development of discovery in the New World. Their longing for a share in it, mated with a certain hostile intention towards the Spaniards, instigated the formation of the West India Company, which had first been conceived in the mind of William Usselinx in 1592, though it was not put into execution till twenty-five years later. It was claimed by the Dutch that in 1598 the ships of their Greenland Company had discovered the Hudson River, though there can be little doubt that the French, Spanish, and perhaps English had been there much earlier. It is also claimed that the straits shown in Lok's map in 1582 had instigated Heinrich Hudson to his later search. But the truth in all these questions which involve national rights is very much perplexed with claim and counter-claim, invention and perversion, in which historical data are at the beck of political objects.

1598. The Dutch on the North American coasts.

The English.

By the end of the sixteenth century the Dutch began to appear on the coasts of the Middle and New England States, and the cartography of those regions developed rapidly under their observation; but it was through the boating explorations of Captain John Smith in 1614 that it took a shape nearer the truth. It is to him that the northerly parts owe the name of New England, which Prince Charles confirmed for it. The reports from Hudson, May, and others instigated a plan marked out in 1618, but not directly ordered by the States General till 1621, which led to the Dutch occupation of Manhattan and the neighboring regions, introducing more strongly than before a Dutch element into the maps.

The English leaders in maritime discovery.

Richard Hakluyt.

When the seventeenth century opened, the English had come well to the front in maritime explorations. A large-minded and patriotic man, Sir Thomas Smith, did much in his capacity as governor of the "merchants trading into the East Indies" to direct contemporary knowledge into better channels. Dr. Thomas Hood gave public lectures in London on the improvements in methods of navigation. Richard Hakluyt, the historiographer of the new company, had already shown that he had inherited the spirit of helpful patronage which had characterized the labors of Eden.


The search for a western passage at the north.

1601. George Waymouth.

We find the peninsula made by the St. Lawrence and the Atlantic insularized from the beginning of the seventeenth century, the transverse channel being now on the line of the Hudson, then of the Penobscot, then of the St. Croix, and when the seventeenth century came in, it was not wholly determined that the longed-for western passage might not yet be found somewhere in this region. On July 24, 1601, George Waymouth, a navigator, as he was called, applied to the London East India Company to be assisted in making an attempt to discover a northwest passage to India, and the company agreed to his proposition. The Muscovy Company protested in vain against such an infringement of its own rights; but it found a way to smother its grief and join with its rival in the enterprise. Through such joint action Waymouth was sent by the northwest "towards Cataya or China, or the back side of America," bearing with him a letter from Queen Elizabeth to the Emperor of "China or Kathia." The attempt failed, and Waymouth returned almost ignominiously.

Hudson at the north.

In 1602, under instructions from the East India Company, he again sailed, and now pushed a little farther into Hudson's Strait than any one had been before. In 1609 Hudson had made some explorations, defining a little more clearly the northern coasts of the present United States; and in 1610 he sailed again from England to attempt the discovery of the northwest passage, in a small craft of fifty-five tons, with twenty-three souls on board. Following the tracks of Davis and Waymouth, he went farther than they, and revealed to the world the great inland sea which is known by his name, and in which he probably perished.

Hudson's Bay.

1615. Baffin's Bay.

In 1612-13 Sir Thomas Button developed more exactly the outline in part of this great bay, and in 1614 the Discovery, under Robert Bylot and William Baffin, passed along the coasts of Hudson's Strait, making most careful observation, and Baffin took for the first time at sea a lunar observation for longitude, according to a method which had been suggested as early as 1514. It was on a voyage undertaken in the next year, 1615, that Baffin, exceeding the northing of Davis, found lying before him the great expanse of Baffin's Bay, through which he proceeded till he found a northern exit in Sir Thomas Smith's Sound, under 78°. Baffin did all this with an accuracy which surprised Sir John Ross, who was the next to enter the bay, two centuries later. It was in these years of Hudson and Baffin that Napier invented logarithms and simplified the processes of nautical calculations.

LUKE FOX, 1635.

1631. Luke Fox.

Thomas James.

The voyage of Luke Fox in 1631 developed some portions of the western shores of Hudson's Bay, and he returned confident, from his observation of the tides farther north, that they indicated a western passage; and in the same year Thomas James searched the more southern limits of the great bay with no more success. These voyages put a stay for more than a hundred years to efforts in this direction to find the passage so long sought.

1602. Gosnold.

Up to 1602 the explorations of our northern coasts seem to have been ordinarily made either by a sweep northerly from Europe, striking Newfoundland and then proceeding south, or by a southerly sweep following the Spanish tracks and coasting north from Florida. In this year, 1602, the Englishman Gosnold, without any earlier example that we know of since the time of Verrazano, stood directly to the New England coast, and in the accounts of his voyage we begin to find some particular knowledge of the contour of this coast, which opens the way to identifications of landmarks. The explorations of Pring (1603), Champlain (1604), Waymouth (1605), Popham (1607), Hudson (1609), Smith (1614), Dermer (1619), and others which followed are of no more importance in our present survey than as marking further stages of detailed geography. Even Dermer was dreaming of a western passage yet to be found in this region.

* * *

Discoveries on the Pacific coast.

We must now turn to follow the development during the seventeenth century of the discoveries on the Pacific coast.

1602. Viscaino.

Sebastian Viscaino, in his voyage up the coast from Acapulco in 1602, sought the hidden straits as high as 42°, and one of his captains reporting the coast to trend easterly at 43°, his story confused the geography of this region for many years. This supposed trend was held to indicate another passage to the Gulf of California, making the peninsula of that name an island, and so it long remained on the maps, after once getting possession, some years later (1622), of the cartographical fancy.

1643. De Vries.

Some explorations of the Dutch under De Vries, in 1643, were the source of a notion later prevailing, that there was an interjacent land in the north Pacific, which they called "Jesso," and which was supposed to be separated by passages both from America and from Asia; and for half a century or more the supposition, connected more or less with a land seen by Jo?o da Gama, was accepted in some quarters. Indeed, this notion may be said to have not wholly disappeared till the maps of Cook's voyage came out in 1777-78, when the Aleutian Islands got something like their proper delineation.

Confused geographical notions of a western sea.

In fact, so vague was the conception of what might be the easterly extension of the northern sea in the latitudinal forties that the notion of a sea something like the old one of Verrazano was even thought in 1625 by Briggs in Purchas, and again in 1651 in Farrer's map of Virginia, to bathe the western slope of the Alleghanies.


Maldonado, Da Fuca, De Fonte.

Early in the eighteenth century, even the best cartographers ran wild in their delineations of the Pacific coast. A series of multifarious notions, arising from more or less faith in the alleged explorations of Maldonado, Da Fuca, and De Fonte, some of them assumed to have been made more than a century earlier, filled the maps with seas and straits, identified sometimes with the old strait of Anian, and converting the northwestern parts of North America into a network of surmises, that look strangely to our present eyes. Some of these wild configurations prevailed even after the middle of the century, but they were finally eliminated from the maps by the expedition of that James Cook who first saw the light in a Yorkshire cabin in 1728.


[After Hennepin.]

1724. Bering.


In 1724 Peter the Great equipped Vitus Bering's first expedition, and in December, 1724, five weeks before his death, the Czar gave the commanding officer his instruction to coast northward and find if the Asiatic and American coasts were continuous, as they were supposed to be. There were, however, among the Siberians, some reports of the dividing waters and of a great land beyond, and these rumors had been prevailing since 1711. Peter the Great died January 28, 1725 (old style), just as Bering was beginning his journey, and not till March, 1728, did that navigator reach the neighborhood of the sea. In July he spread his sails on a vessel which he had built.


[1st part]

DOMINA FARRER'S MAP, 1651. (complete view)


[1st part]

DOMINA FARRER'S MAP, 1651. (complete view)




1741. Bering.

By the middle of August he had passed beyond the easternmost point of Asia, and was standing out into the Arctic Ocean, when he turned on his track and sailed south. Neither in going nor in returning did he see land to the east, the mists being too thick. He had thus established the limits of the Russian Empire, but he had not as yet learned of the close proximity of the American shores. His discoveries did not get any cartographical record till Kiriloff made his map of Russia in 1734, using the map which Bering had made in Moscow in 1731. The following year (1732), Gvosdjeff espied the opposite coast; but it was not till 1741 that Bering sailed once more from the Asiatic side to seek the American coast. He steered southeast, and soon found that the land seen by Da Gama, and which the Delisles had so long kept on their maps, did not exist there.

Aleutian Islands.

Thence sailing northward, Bering sighted the coast in July and had Mount St. Elias before him, then named by him from that saint's day in the calendar. On his return route some vague conception of the Aleutian Islands was gained, the beginning of a better cartography, in which was also embodied the stretch of coast which Bering's associate, Chirikoff, discovered farther east and south.

Northern Pacific.

In 1757 Venegas, uninformed as to these Russian discoveries, confessed in his California that nothing was really known of the coast line in the higher latitudes,-an ignorance that was the source of a great variety of conjectures, including a large inland sea of the west connecting with the Pacific, which was not wholly discarded till near the end of the century, as has already been mentioned.

* * *

The search for the northwest passage.

The search for the northwest passage to Asia, as it had been begun by the English under Cabot in 1497, was also the last of all the endeavors to isolate the continent. The creation of the Hudson Bay Company in 1670 was ostensibly to promote "the discovery of a new passage into the South Sea," but the world knows how for two centuries that organization obstinately neglected, or as far as they dared, the leading purpose for which they pretended to ask a charter. They gave their well-directed energies to the amassing of fortunes with as much persistency as the Spaniards did at the south, but with this difference: that the wisdom in their employment of the aborigines was as eminent as with the Southrons it was lacking. It was left for other agencies of the British government successfully to accomplish, with the aid of the votaries of geographical science, what the pecuniary speculators of Fen Church Street hardly dared to contemplate.

1779. James Cook.

The spirit of the old navigators was revived in James Cook, when in 1779 he endeavored to pass eastward by Bering's Straits; but it was not till forty years later that a series of arctic explorations was begun, in which the English races of both continents have shown so conspicuous a skill and fortitude.

Kendrick in the "Columbia."

While the English, French, and Spaniards were dodging one another in their exploring efforts along this upper coast, a Boston ship, the "Columbia," under Captain Kendrick, entered the Columbia River, then named; and to these American explorations, as well as to the contemporary ones of Vancouver, the geographical confusion finally yielded place to something like an intelligible idea.

1790-95. Vancouver.

It had also been the aim of Vancouver in 1790-95 "to ascertain the existence of any navigable communication between the North Pacific and the North Atlantic Oceans," and the correspondence of the British government leading to this expedition has only been lately printed in the Report of the Dominion archivist, Douglas Brymner, for 1889.


Arctic explorers.

1850. McClure finds the northwest passage.

The names of Barrow, Ross, Parry, and Franklin, not to mention others of a later period, make the story of the final severance of the continent in the arctic seas one of conspicuous interest in the history of maritime exploration. Captain Robert L. McClure, in the "Investigator," late in 1850 passed into Bering's Straits, and before September closed his ship was bound in the ice. In October McClure made a sledge journey easterly over a frozen channel and reached the open sea, which thirty years before Parry had passed into from the Atlantic side. The northwest passage was at last discovered.

We have seen that within thirty years from the death of Columbus the outline of South America was defined, while it had taken nearly two centuries and a quarter to free the coast lines of the New World from an entanglement in men's minds with the outlines of eastern Asia, and another century and a quarter were required to complete the arctic contour of America, so that the New World at last should stand a wholly revealed and separate continent.

Nor had all this labor been done by governments alone. The private merchant and the individual adventurer, equipping ships and sailing without national help, had done no small part of it. Dr. Kohl strikingly says, "The extreme northern limit of America, the desolate peninsula Boothia, is named after the English merchant who fitted out the arctic expedition of Sir John Ross; and the southernmost strait, beyond Patagonia, preserves the name of Le Maire, the merchant at whose charge it was disclosed to the world!"

* * *


Quick Links to Index Letters

[A] [B] [C] [D] [E] [F] [G] [H] [I]

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[S] [T] [U] [V] [W] [X] [Y] [Z]


Acklin Island, 215.

Adam of Bremen, 147.

Adda, G. d', 12.

Admiral's map, 534, 546, 581. See Waldseemüller.

Africa, circumnavigations of, 91;

discoveries along its coast, 91, 151;

early maps, 133;

Ptolemy's map of its southern part, 335.

Agnese Baptista, his maps, 595, 597.

Aguado, Juan, sent to Espa?ola, 317;

his conduct, 319.

Ailly, Pierre d', De Imagine Mundi, 7, 8, 121, 180, 497;

his map (1410), 601.

Albertus Magnus, 497;

portrait, 120.

Aleutian Islands, 652, 658.

Alexander VI., letter to, from Columbus, 9;

pope, 252;

his bull of demarcation, 252;

his bust, 253.

Alfonso V. (Portugal), 108.

Aliacus. See Ailly.

Allefonsce, 614.

Allegetto degli Allegetti, Ephemerides, 32.

Almagro, 565.

Alto Velo, 390.

Alva, Duke of, 514, 515.

Amazons, 235, 237.

America, mainland first seen by Columbus, 351;

gradually developed as a continent, 529, 606, 619, 660;

history of its name, 538, 621;

earliest maps bearing the name, 547-552;

the name never recognized in Spain, 554;

earliest on maps, 581;

was it known to the ancients? 606.

See North and South America.

Anacaona, 305;

entertains Bartholomew Columbus, 361;

captured, 473.

Ancuparius, 588.

Angelus, Jacobus. 531.

Ango, Jean, 556.

Anian, Straits of, 418, 620.

Antarctic continent, 628, 644.

Antillia, belief in, 111, 112, 128.

Apianus, his map (1520), 550, 587;

portrait, 586.

Archipelago on the Asiatic coast, 190.

Arctic explorations, 640, 658, 659, 660.

Asia, as known to Marco Polo, etc., map, 113, 114.

Aspa, Ant. de, his documents, 29.

Astrolabe, 94-96, 132, 150, 260, 632.

Atlantic Ocean, early cartography of, 86, 88;

floating islands in, 185;

its archipelago, 185;

as defined by Behaim compared with its actual condition, 190;

early voyages on, 603.

Atlantis, story of, 126.

Aubert, Thomas, 556.

Audiencia, 518.

Avila, Luis de, 527.

Ayala, Pedro de, 343.

Ayllon, Lucas Vasquez de, 561;

and Diego Colon, 522;

his map, 561, 584;

settlement on the Potomac, 561.

Azores discovered, 86, 88.


Babeque, 225, 230, 231.

Baccalaos, 344.

Back-staff, 648.

Bacon, Roger, Opus majus, 121, 497.

Badajos, congress at, 590.

Baffin, Wm., 650.

Baffin's Bay, 651.

Bahamas, Herrera's map, 212;

modern map, 213;

character of, 215;

their peoples, 218;

depopulated, 515.

Balboa, 562;

portrait, 563;

discovers the South Sea, 564, 606;

executed, 564.

Ballester, Miguel, 366, 372.

Bancroft, H. H., on Columbus, 59, 503.

Bank of St. George, and its records, 21, 70.

Barclay, Alex., translates Brant, 537.

Barlow, S. L. M., his library, 17.

Barrentes, Garcia de, 372.

Barros, Jo?o de. Decada, 33, 149, 241.

Bastidas, Rodrigo de, on the South American coast, 426, 528.

Basques on the Atlantic, 128;

fishermen, 340.

Baza, siege of, 169.

Behaim, Martin, in Lisbon, 132;

improves the astrolabe, 132;

at sea, 134;

portrait, 134;

and Columbus, 150;

his globe, 185-188, 533.

Behechio, 305, 361.

Belknap, Dr. Jeremy, on Columbus, 55.

Belloy, Marquis de, life of Columbus, 54.

Beneventanus, 533.

Benincasa, maps, 81.

Benzoni, 32, 51.

Beradi, Juonato, 258, 317.

Bergenroth, Calendar, 13, 23.

Bergomas, his chronicle, 32.

Bering's Straits, 418, 657.

Bering, his discoveries, 529, 620, 653.

Bernaldez, Andrès, friend of Columbus, 13, 331;

Historia, 13, 18, 37.

Berwick, Duke of, 527.

Béthencourt, Jean de, 86.

Bianco, Andrea, his map, 88, 89;

helps Fra Mauro, 100.

Bienewitz. See Apianus.

Bimini, 422, 558, 560.

Birds, flight of, 88.

Blanco, Cape, passed, 98.

Bloodhounds, 312.

Blunderville, 632.

Bobadilla, Francisco de, sent to Santo Domingo, 390;

his character, 395;

his instructions, 396, 397;

reaches Espa?ola, 398;

his acts, 398;

their effect upon Columbus, 400;

arrests Bastidas, 426;

his rule in Santo Domingo, 428;

superseded, 429;

to return to Spain, 440;

lost, 440.

Bohio, 228.

Bojador, Cape, passed, 97.

Bordone, map, 142.

Bossi, L., on Columbus, 32.

Bourne, Wm., The Regiment of the Sea, 631.

Boyle. See Buil.

Brandt, Shyppe of Fools, 14.

Brazil coast visited by Cabral, 378;

early explorers, 533.

Brazil, island of, 112, 139.

Breton explorations, 555, 556.

Breviesca, Ximeno de, 333.

Brevoort, J. C., 597, 607, 621.

Briggs in Purchas, 652.

Bristol, England, and its maritime expeditions, 342.

Brocken, Baron van, Colomb, 55.

Brymner, Douglas, 660.

Buache, his map, 656.

Büdinger, Max, Acten zur Columbus Geschichte, 46;

Zur Columbus Literatur, 46.

Buet, C., Colomb, 54.

Buil, Bernardo, sent to the New World, 259.

Bull of demarcation, 22, 252, 339.

Bull of extension, 305.

Button, Sir Thomas, 650.

Bylot, Robert, 650.


Cabot, John, in England, 167, 340;

sails on a voyage of discovery, 340;

earliest engraved map of his discoveries, 341;

great circle sailing, 341;

discovers land, 341;

question of his landfall, 341;

returns to Bristol, 342;

question of his going to Seville, 343;

his second voyage, 344;

its extent, 344;

lack of knowledge respecting these voyages, 345;

authorities on, 346;

was his voyage known to Columbus? 386;

and the Ruysch map, 533;

his explorations, 624.

Cabot, Sebastian, his observation of the line of no variation, 201;

on Columbus's discovery, 248;

his participancy in his father's voyages, 344;

his papers, 345;

alleged voyage, 427;

voyages, 555;

his mappemonde, 341, 345, 624, 626, 627;

returns to England, 639;

portrait, 642.

Cabral, Pedro Alvarez, on the South American coast, 377.

Cabrero, Juan, 161.

Cabrillo, 611.

Cacique, 231.

Cadamosto, his voyage, 98.

Cado, Fermin, 285.

California, peninsula of, 610;

its name, 611;

map, 611;

mapped as an island, 652;

Drake on the coast, 644, 645.

Cam, Diogo, 134.

Camargo on the coast of Chili, 577.

Camers, Johann, 585.

Canaries, their history, 86;

map of, 194.

Cannibals, 225, 227, 230, 268, 270, 281.

Canoes, 219.

Cantino, Alberto, 417;

Cantino map, 387;

sketched, 419;

its traits examined, 420;

its relation with Columbus, 421.

Caonabo, 305;

attacks La Navidad, 273, 275;

attacks St. Thomas, 308;

forms a league, 308;

captured, 313;

dies, 323.

Cape Blanco, 98.

Cape Bojador, 97.

Cape Breton, 627.

Cape of Good Hope discovered, 151.

Cape Horn discovered, 577;

seen by Drake, 644.

Cape Race, 534.

Cape Verde Island discovered, 199.

Cardenas, Alonso de, 161.

Cardona, Cristoval de, Admiral of Aragon, 524, 526, 527.

Caribs, 236, 271, 323.

Carpini, Plano, 90.

Carthaginians as voyagers, 127.

Cartier, Jacques, his explorations, 612, 624.

Carvajal, Alonso Sanchez de, factor of Columbus, 430.

Carvajal, Bernardin de, 248.

Casa de Contratacion, 481.

Casaneuve. See Colombo the Corsair.

Casanove, 71.

Casoni, F., annals of Genoa, 32, 154.

Caste?eda, Juan de, 238.

Castellanos, Elegias, 491.

Castillo, 611.

Catalan seamanship, 94.

Catalina, Do?a, 9, 276.

Cathay, 224, 457;

early name of China, 90;

map of, 113, 114;

as found by the Portuguese, 509.

Cazadilla, 150.

Chanca, Dr., his narrative, 29;

goes to the new world, 262, 282.

Charles V., portrait, 519.

Chaves, Alonso, his map, 561, 621;

at the Seville Conference, 604.

Chesapeake Bay, Spaniards in the, 633.

Chili discovered, 565, 577.

China, early known, 90. See Cathay.

Chronica Delphinea, 9, 11.

Chronometers, 260, 603.

Chytr?us, 627.

Cibao, 232;

its mines visited by Ojeda, 279.

Ciguare, 447. Cipango, 125;

map, 113.

Circourt, Count, 46.

Clavus, Claudius, 140, 141.

Clemente, Claudio, Tablas, 214.

Climatic lines, 601.

Codex Flatoyensis, 146.

Coelho's voyage, 410.

Colombo, Balthazar, 525, 527.

Colombo, Bernardo, 525, 527.

Colombo, Corsair, 71, 72, 83, 84.

Colon, Cristoval (bastard son of Luis, grandson of Columbus), 526.

Colon, Diego (brother of Columbus), born, 77;

in Spain and in Columbus's second expedition, 262;

his character, 285;

placed by Columbus in command at Isabella, 290;

goes to Spain, 311;

quarrels with Fonseca, 318.

Colon, Diego (son of Columbus), 106;

page to the Queen, 181;

at Court, 478, 479;

receives letter from Columbus, 478;

his illegitimate children, 513;

receives what was due to his father, 513;

urges the King to restore his father's privileges, 513;

his suit against the Crown, 514, 553;

wins, 515;

marriage, 515;

denied the title of Viceroy, 515;

Governor of Espa?ola, 515, 516;

in Spain, 519;

lends money to Charles V., 520;

his income, 520;

Viceroy, 520;

builds a palace, 520;

its ruins, 520;

in Spain pressing his claims, 522;

dies, 522;

his children, 522.

Colon, Diego (great-grandson of Columbus), marries and becomes Duke of Veragua, 525, 526;

his connection with the Historie of 1571, 44.

Colon, Luis (grandson of Columbus), succeeds his father, 522;

makes compromise with the Crown, 522;

holds Jamaica, 523;

made Duke of Veragua, 523;

governs Espa?ola, 523;

his marriages, 523;

imprisoned and dies, 523;

his children, 526.

Colon. See Columbus.

Columbia River, 658.

Columbus, Bartholomew (brother of Columbus), born, 77;

in Portugal, 104;

affects Columbus's views, 117;

with Diaz on the African coast, 151, 303;

sent to England, 167, 303, 339;

in France, 168, 303;

reaches Espa?ola, 303;

made Adelantado, 304;

left in command by Columbus, 323;

confirmed by the Crown as Adelantado, 328;

portrait, 329;

attacks the Quibian, 451;

sees Columbus for the last time, 488;

survives him, 513;

goes to Rome, 516;

takes a map, 516, 533;

goes to Espa?ola, 516;

dies, 518;

reputed descendant, 527.

Columbus, Christopher, sources of information, 1;

biographers, 30;

his prolixity and confusion, 1;

his writings, 1;

Libro de las Proficias, 1;

facsimile of his handwriting, 2;

his private papers, 2;

letters, 2, 5;

written in Spanish, 2;

his privileges, 3;

Codex Diplomaticus, 3;

the Custodia at Genoa, 4, 5;

Bank of St. George, 5;

marginalia, 7;

Declaracion de Tabla navigatoria, 7, 32;

Cinco Zonas, 7;

lost manuscripts, 8;

MS. annotations, 8;

missing letters, 9, 18, 19;

missing commentary, 9;

journal of his first voyage, 9, 193;

printed in English, 10;

letters on his discovery, 10;

printed editions, 12;

Catalan text, 13;

Latin text, 14;

his transient fame, 14;

in England, 14;

autographs, 14;

edition of the Latin first letter, 15;

facsimile of a page, 16;

libraries possessing copies, 17;

bibliography of first letter, 17;

other accounts of first voyage, 17;

lawsuits of heirs, 18, 26, 514;

account of his second voyage, 18, 264;

Libro del Segundo Viage, 18, 264;

letters owned by the Duke de Veragua, 18;

accounts of his third voyage, 18, 347;

of his fourth voyage, 19;

Lettera rarissima, 19;

Libros de memorias, 19;

work on the Arctic Pole, 19;

his maps, 29;

Memorial del Pleyto, 26;

Italian accounts of, 30;

influenced by his Spanish life, 33;

Portuguese accounts, 33;

Spanish accounts, 33;

documents preserved by Las Casas, 47;

canonization, 52;

English accounts, 55;

life by Irving, 56;

bibliography, 59;

his portraits, 61-70;

his person, 61;

tomb at Havana, 69;

his promise to the Bank of St. George, 5, 70;

ancestry, 71;

early home, 71;

name of Colombo, 71;

the French family, 71;

professes he was not the first admiral of his name, 72;

spurious genealogies, 73, 74;

prevalence of the name Colombo, 73;

his grandfather, 74;

his father, 74;

life at Savona, 75;

Genoa, 75;

his birth, 76;

disputed date, 76;

his mother, 77;

her offspring, 77;

place of his birth, 77;

many claimants, 78;

uncertainties of his early life, 79;

his early education, 79;

his penmanship and drawing, 79;

specimen of it, 80;

said to have been at Pavia, 79;

at Genoa, 81;

in Anjou's expedition, 83;

his youth at sea, 83;

drawn to Portugal, 86, 102;

living there, 103;

alleged swimming with an oar, 103;

marries, 105;

supposed interview with a sailor who had sailed west, 107;

knew Marco Polo's book, 116;

Mandeville's book, 116;

the ground of his belief in a western passage, 117;

inherits his views of the sphericity of the earth, 119;

of its size, 123;

his ignorance of the Atlantis story, etc., 126, 148;

learns of western lands, 129;

in Portugal, 131;

in Iceland, 135;

Tratado de las Cinco Zonas, 137;

and the Sagas, 146;

his first gratuity in Spain, 149;

difficulty in following his movements, 149;

interviews the Portuguese king, 150;

abandons Portugal, 149, 153;

did he lay his project before the authorities of Genoa? 153;

did he propose to those of Venice? 154;

did he leave a wife in Portugal? 154;

enters Spain, 154, 157, 169;

at Rabida, 154, 173;

calls himself Colon, 157;

receives gratuities, 157, 168;

sells books and maps, 158;

writes out his proofs of a new world, 158;

interview with Ferdinand of Spain, 159;

his monument at Genoa, 163;

at Malaga, 165;

connection with Beatrix Enriquez, 166;

his son Ferdinand born, 166;

his views in England, 167;

invited back to Portugal, 168;

lived in Spain with the Duke of Medina-Celi, 169;

at Cordova, 169;

at Baza, 169;

his views again rejected, 170;

at Santa Fé, 176;

his arrogant demands, 177;

starts for France, 177;

recalled and agreed with, 179;

his passport, 180;

the capitulations, 181;

allowed to use Don, 181;

at Palos, 181;

his fleet fitted out, 182;

expenses of the first voyage, 183;

his flag-ship, 183;

her size, 184;

hopes to find mid-ocean islands, 185;

sails, 191;

keeps a journal, 193;

the "Pinta" disabled, 195;

sees Teneriffe, 195;

at the Canaries, 195;

falsifies his reckoning, 195;

map of the routes of his four voyages, 196;

of the first voyage, 197;

his dead reckoning, 198;

his judgment of his speed, 198;

observes no variation of his needle, 198;

watches the stars, 203;

believed the earth pear-shaped, 203;

meets a west wind, 205;

thinks he sees land, 206;

follows the flight of birds, 206;

pacifies his crew, 207;

alleged mutiny, 208;

claims to see a light, 208;

receives a reward for first seeing land, 209, 249;

map of the landfall, 210;

land actually seen, 211;

land taken possession of, 211;

his armor, 211;

question of his landfall, 214;

trades with the natives, 218, 220;

first intimates his intention to enslave them, 220;

finds other islands, 220;

eager to find gold, 221;

reaches Cuba, 223;

mentions pearls for the first time, 223;

thought himself on the coast of Cathay, 224;

takes an observation, 224;

meets with tobacco, 225;

with potatoes, 225;

hears of cannibals, 225;

seeks Babeque, 225;

difficult communication with the natives, 226, 227;

in the King's Garden, 226;

deserted by Pinzon, 226;

at Espa?ola, 228;

takes his latitude, 229;

entertains a cacique, 231;

meets with a new language, 232;

seeks gold, 232;

shipwrecked, 232;

builds a fort, 233;

names it La Navidad, 235;

hears of Jamaica, 235;

of Amazons, 235;

fears the Pinzons, 235;

sees mermaids, 236;

sails for Spain, 236;

meets a gale, 237;

separates from the "Pinta," 237;

throws overboard an account of his discoveries, 238;

makes land at the Azores, 238;

gets provisions, 238;

his men captured on shore, 239;

again at sea, 240;

enters the Tagus, 240;

reason for using the name Indies, 240;

goes to the Portuguese Court, 241;

leaves the Tagus, having sent a letter to the Spanish Court, 242;

reaches Palos, 242;

the "Pinta" arrives the same day, 242, 244;

his Indians, 244, 259, 272;

summoned to Court, 244;

at Barcelona, 245;

reception, 245;

his life there, 246, 247, 249, 256;

his first letter, 248;

scant impression made by the announcement, 248;

the egg story, 249;

receives a coat-of-arms, 249, 550;

his family arms, 251;

his motto, 251;

receives the royal seal, 256;

leaves the Court, 256;

in Seville, 256;

relations with Fonseca begin, 256;

fits out the second expedition, 257, 258, 261;

embarks, 263;

sails, 264;

his character, 265;

at the Canaries, 265;

at Dominica, 266;

at Marigalante, 266;

at Guadaloupe, 268;

fights the Caribs at Santa Cruz, 271;

reaches Espa?ola, 272;

arrives at La Navidad, 273;

finds it destroyed and abandons it, 275, 277;

disembarks at another harbor, 278;

founds Isabella, 278;

grows ill, 279;

expeditions to seek gold, 279, 280;

writes to the sovereigns, 280;

the fleet leaves him, 282;

harassed by factions, 284;

leads an expedition inland, 285;

builds Fort St. Thomas, 287;

returns to Isabella, 288;

sends Ojeda to St. Thomas, 289;

sails to explore Cuba, 290;

discovers Jamaica, 291;

returns to Cuba, 293;

imagines his approach to the Golden Chersonesus, 295;

exacts an oath from his men that they were in Asia, 296;

doubts as to his own belief, 297;

return voyage, 299;

on the Jamaica coast, 300;

calculates his longitude on the Espa?ola coast, 301;

falls into a stupor, 302;

reaches Isabella, 302;

finds his brother Bartholomew there, 303;

learns what had happened in his absence, 304;

receives supplies, 309;

sends the fleet back, 310;

sends Diego to Spain, 311;

sends natives as slaves, 311;

battle of the Vega Real, 312;

oppresses the natives, 315;

his enemies in Spain, 318;

receives a royal letter by Aguado, 319;

the fleet wrecked, 321;

thinks the mines of Hayna the Ophir of Solomon, 322;

sails for Spain, 323;

reaches Cadiz, 324;

lands in the garb of a Franciscan, 325;

proceeds to Court, 326;

asks for a new fleet, 326;

delays, 327;

his rights reaffirmed, 328;

new proportion of profits, 328;

his will, 330;

his signature, 330;

lives with Andres Bernaldez, 331;

his character drawn by Bernaldez, 331;

enlists criminals, 332;

his altercation with Fonseca's agent, 333;

had authorized voyages, 336;

the third voyage and its sources, 347;

leaves directions for his son Diego, 348;

sails from San Lucar, 348;

his course, 348;

letter to him from Jayme Ferrer, 349;

captures a French prize, 349;

at the Cape de Verde Islands, 349;

at Trinidad, 350;

first sees mainland, 351;

touches the Gulf Stream, 352;

grows ill, 355, 356;

his geographical delusions, 356;

compared with Vespucius, 358;

observations of nature, 359;

meets the Adelantado, 359;

reaches Santo Domingo, 365;

his experience with convict settlers, 366, 392, 396, 434;

sends letters to Spain, 367;

treats with Roldan, 368, 370;

institutes repartimientos, 371;

sends other ships to Spain, 371;

his prerogatives as Admiral infringed, 372;

sends Roldan against Ojeda, 374;

did he know of Cabot's voyage? 386;

his wrongs from furtive voyagers, 372-387;

opposition to his rule in the Antilles, 388;

his new relations with Roldan, 389;

quells Moxica's plot, 390;

Bobadilla arrives, 390;

charges against the Admiral, 392, 402, 404;

his deceiving the Crown, 393;

receives copies of Bobadilla's instructions, 400;

reaches Santo Domingo, 401;

imprisoned and fettered, 401;

sent to Spain in chains, 403;

his letter to Prince Juan's nurse, 404, 405, 407;

his alienation of mind, 405;

reaches Cadiz, 407;

his reception, 408, 409;

suspended from power, 409;

his connection with the Cantino map, 420, 421;

his destitution, 420;

his vested rights invaded, 428;

his demands unheeded, 428;

sends a factor to Espa?ola, 430;

Libros de las Proficias, 431;

his projected conquest of the Holy Land, 431;

defeated by Satan, 431;

dreams on a hidden channel through the new world, 432;

still seeking the Great Khan, 433;

his purposed gift to Genoa, 434;

writes to the Bank of St. George, 435;

his fourth voyage, 437;

his mental and physical condition, 437;

at Martinico, 438;

touches at the forbidden Santo Domingo, 438;

but is denied the port, 439;

his ships ride out a gale, 441;

on the Honduras coast, 441;

meets a large canoe, 442;

says mass on the land, 442;

on the Veragua coast, 445;

touches the region tracked by Bastidas, 448;

sees a waterspout, 449;

returns to Veragua, 450;

finds the gold mines of Solomon, 450;

plans settlement at Veragua, 451;

dangers, 451;

has a fever, 453;

hears a voice, 454;

the colony rescued, 456;

sails away, 456;

abandons one caravel, 457;

on the Cuban coast, 457;

goes to Jamaica, 457;

strands his ships, 458;

sends Mendez to Ovando, 458, 461;

writes a letter to his sovereigns, 459;

Lettera rarissima, 459;

his worship of gold, 461;

the revolt of Porras, 462;

Porras sails away, 464;

but returns to the island and wanders about, 464;

predicts an eclipse of the moon, 465;

Escobar arrives, 467;

and leaves, 468;

negotiations with Porras, 468;

fight between the rebels and the Adelantado, 469;

Porras captured, 469;

the rebels surrender, 470;

Mendez sends to rescue him, 471;

leaves Jamaica, 471;

learns of events in Espa?ola during his absence, 472;

reaches Santo Domingo, 475;

relations with Ovando, 475;

sails for Spain, 475;

arrives, 476;

in Seville, 477;

his letters at this time, 477;

his appeals, 477;

fears Porras, 478, 479;

appeals to Mendez, 479;

his increasing malady, 480;

sends a narrative to Rome, 482;

suffered to ride on a mule, 483;

relations with the Bank of St. George in Genoa, 483;

his privileges, 484;

doubtful reference to Fonseca, 484;

later relations with Vespucius, 484;

his property sold, 486;

goes to Segovia, 486;

Deza asked to arbitrate, 486;

makes a will, 487;

at Salamanca, 487;

at Valladolid, 488;

seeks to propitiate Juana, 488;

makes a codicil to his will, 488;

its doubtful character, 488;

ratifies his will, 489;

its provisions, 489;

dies, 490;

his death unnoticed, 491;

later distich proposed for his tomb, 491;

successive places of interment, 491;

his bones removed to Santo Domingo, 492;

to Havana, 492;

controversy over their present position, 492;

his chains, 494;

the age of Columbus, 494;

statue at Santo Domingo, 495;

his character, his dependence on the Imago Mundi, 497;

on other authors, 498;

relations with Toscanelli, 499;

different delineations of his character, 501;

his observations of nature, 502;

his overwrought mind, 502;

hallucinations, 503, 504;

arguments for his canonization, 505;

purpose to gain the Holy Sepulchre, 505;

his Catholicism, 505;

his urgency to enslave the Indians, 505, 506;

his scheme of repartimientos 506;

adopts garb of the Franciscans, 508;

mercenary, 508, 509;

the moving light of his first voyage, 510;

insistence on territorial power, 510;

claims inspiration, 511;

his heirs, 513;

his discoveries denied after his death, 514, 520;

his territorial power lost by his descendants, 523;

table of his descendants, 524, 525;

his male line becomes extinct, 526;

lawsuit to establish the succession, 526;

female line through the Portogallos fails, 527;

now represented by the Larreategui family, 528;

present value of the estates, 528;

the geographical results of his discoveries, 529;

connection with early maps, 533, 534;

his errors in longitude, 603;

his observations of magnetic influence, 632.

Columbus, Ferdinand (bastard son of Columbus), 480, 482;

his Historie, 39;

doubts respecting it, 39;

his career, 40;

his income, 40;

his library, 40;

its catalogue, 42;

English editions of the Historie, 55;

his birth, 166;

at school, 181;

made page of the Queen, 331;

his ability, 513;

goes with Diego to Espa?ola, 515;

aids his brother's widow, 522;

an arbiter, 522;

owns Ptolemy (1513), 545;

his disregard of the claims urged for Vespucius, 553;

his Colon de Concordia, 571;

arbiter at the Congress of Badajos, 591;

advises the King, 591;

his house at Seville, 603;

at the Seville Conference, 604;

map inscribed to him, 605.

Coma, Guglielmo, 282.

Conti, Nicolo di, 116, 509.

Cook, James, voyage, 633, 658.

Cordova, Cathedral of, 172.

Coronel, Pedro Fernandez, 332, 364.

Correa da Cunha, Pedro, 106, 131.

Correnti, C., 12.

Corsairs, 71.

Corsica, claim for Columbus's birth in, 77.

Cortereal discoveries, 577.

Cortereal, Gaspar, manuscript, facsimile, 414;

his voyage to Labrador, 415.

Cortereal, Jo?o Vaz, 129.

Cortereal, Miguel, his handwriting, facsimile, 416;

his voyages, 417.

Cortes, Hernando, in Santo Domingo, 475;

sails for Mexico, 565;

his map of the Gulf of Mexico, 567, 569, 607;

his exploring expeditions, 568;

planning to explore the Pacific, 591;

his Pacific explorations, 610;

his portrait, 610.

Cortes, Martin, 630.

Cosa, Juan de la, 426;

goes to the new world, 262;

his charts, 343, 345, 380-382;

with Ojeda, 373.

Cosco, Leander de, 15.

Costa Rica, map, 443.

Cotabanama, 305, 474.

Coulomp, 71.

Cousin, Jean, on the Brazil coast, 174.

Crignon, Pierre, 556.

Criminals enlisted by Columbus, 332.

Crossbows, 258.

Cross-staff, 261, 632, 648. See Back-staff.

Cuba, reached by Columbus, 223;

believed to be Asia, 226;

named Juana, 228;

its southern coast explored, 291;

insularity of, 384;

Wytfliet's map, 384-85;

its cartography, 424;

Columbus's views, 425;

circumnavigated, 565.

Cubagua, 355.

Cushing, Caleb, on the Everett MS., 4;

on Navarrete, 28;

on Columbus's landfall, 217.


Darien, isthmus, map, 446.

Dati, versifies Columbus's first letter, 15.

D'Avezac on the Historie, 45.

Davis, John, in the north, 643, 648;

his Seaman's Secrets, 649.

Dead reckoning, 94.

De Bry, 51;

his engraving of Columbus, 66, 68.

Degree, length of, 124.

Del Cano, 576.

Demarcation. See Bull of.

Demersey, A., on the Mu?oz MSS., 27.

Denys, Jean, 556.

Desceliers (or Henri II.) map, 612, 624

Deza, Diego de, 161, 164, 170;

asked to arbitrate between Columbus and the King, 486.

Diaz, Bart., on the African coast, 151.

Diaz, Miguel, 322, 399.

Diaz de Pisa, Bernal, 284.

Dogs used against the natives, 292, 312.

Dominica, 266.

Dominicans in Espa?ola, 508.

Don, Nicholas, 556.

Donis, Nicholas, his map, 140, 531.

Drake, Francis, sees Cape Horn, 577;

his voyages, 643;

portrait, 645, 654.

Drogeo, 635.

Duro, C. F., Colon, etc., 54.

Dutch, the, their American explorations, 649.


Earth, sphericity of, 118;

size of, 121;

how far known before Columbus, 122.

East India Company, 650.

Eden, R., Treatyse of the Newe India, 537,


Decades, 538;

Arte of Navigation, 631;

influence in England, 639.

Eden (paradise), situation of, 357.

Eggleston, Edward, 597, 599.

Enciso, Fernandes d', Geographia, 587.

Encomiendas, 314.

England, reception of Columbus's news in, 167;

earliest mention of the Spanish discoveries, 537;

sea-manuals in, 631;

effects on discovery of her commercial spirit, 632;

her explorations, 639;

beginning of her colonization, 648;

her later explorations, 650;

her seamen in the Caribbean Sea, 373, 426, 427;

on the eastern coast of North America, 601.

Enriquez, Beatrix, connection with Columbus, 166;

noticed in Columbus's will, 489.

Equator, crossed by the Portuguese, 134;

first crossed on the American side, 376.

Eric the Red, 139, 140, 144, 146.

Escobar, Diego de, sent to Jamaica by Ovando, 467.

Escobar, Roderigo de, 451.

Escoveda, Rodrigo de, 235.

Espa?ola, discovered and named, 228, 229;

its divisions, 305;

Charlevoix's map, 306;

Ramusio's map of, 369;

Ovando recalled, 515;

Diego Colon governor, 515;

sugar cane raised, 520.

Esquibel, Juan de, 474.

Estotiland, 635.

Evangelista, 297.

Everett, A. H., on Irving's Columbus, 56.

Everett, Edward, possessed a copy of Columbus's privileges, 3.


Faber, Jacobus, Meteorologia, 546.

Faber, Dr. John, 540.

Fagundes, 566.

Faria y Sousa, Europa Portuguesa, 241.

Farrer, Domina, her map, 652, 654, 655.

Ferdinand of Spain, his character, 159;

his unwillingness to embark in Columbus's plans, 178;

his appearance, 245;

grows apathetic, 327;

his portrait, 328;

his distrust of Columbus, 393, 427, 479, 486;

sends Bobadilla to Santo Domingo, 394;

dies 520, 555.

Ferdinando, Simon, 646.

Fernandina, 221.

Ferrelo, 612.

Ferrer, Jayme, letter to Columbus, 349.

Fieschi, G. L., 9.

Fiesco, B., 462.

Fin?us, Orontius, his map, 607-609.

Flamsteed, 648.

Floating islands, 190.

Flores discovered, 88.

Florida coast early known, 424;

discovered, 558;

English on the coast, 632.

Fonseca, Juan Rodriguez de, relations with Columbus begin, 256;

his character, 256, 257, 316;

quarrel with Diego Colon, 318;

allowed to grant licenses, 329;

lukewarm towards the third voyage of Columbus, 333;

made bishop of Placentia, 484.

Fontanarossa, G. de, 77.

Fonte, de, 653.

Fort Concepcion, 309.

Fox, G. A., on Columbus's landfall, 214, 216.

Fox, Luke, his map, 651.

France, her share in American explorations, 633.

Franciscus, monk, his map, 606.

Franciscans in Espa?ola, 508.

Freire, Juan, his map, 577, 578, 612.

Friess. See Frisius.

Frisius, Laurentius, his map (1522), 552, 588.

Frisland, 137, 145.

Frobisher, his voyages, 640;

portrait, 643;

his map, 644.

Fuca, Da, 653.

Fulgoso, B., Collectanea, 32.

Furlani, Paolo de, 619.

Fuster, Bibl. Valenciana, 27.


Gali, Francisco, 646.

Gallo, Ant., on Columbus, 30.

Gama, Jo?o da, 652.

Gama, Vasco da, portrait, 334; his voyage, 334.

Ganong, W. F., 612.

Garay, 566; his map, 568.

Gastaldi, his map, 616-618, 629.

Gelcich, E., on the Historie, 46.

Gemma Frisius, nautical improvements, 603, 648.

Genoa, records, 21;

Columbus's early life in, 75, 77;

citizens of, in Spain, 158;

Columbus's monument, 163;

favored in Columbus's will, 330;

Bank of St. George, 435, 483;

her citizens in Portugal, 86;

on the Atlantic, 128.

Geraldini, Antonio, 158.

Gilbert, Sir Humphrey, his voyages, 646;

his map, 647.

Giocondo, 538.

Giovio. See Jovius.

Giustiniani, his Psalter, 30, 83;

his Annals of Genoa, 30.

Glareanus on the ancients' knowledge of America, 606.

Glassberger, Nicholas, 400.

Globus Mundi, 536, 537, 546.

Gold mines, 232;

scant returns, 332.

Gomara, the historian, 39.

Gomera (Canaries), 195.

Gomez, Estevan, on the Atlantic coast, 561, 589, 591;

cartographical results, 591-593.

Gonzales, keeper of the Spanish archives, 28.

Goodrich, Aaron, Columbus, 59, 60, 504.

Gorricio, Gaspar, 433, 484;

friend of Columbus, 18;

adviser of Diego Colon, 348.

Gorvalan, 280.

Gosnold on the New England coast, 652

Granada, siege of, 175.

Grand Turk Island, 216.

Great circle sailing, 341, 649.

Great Khan, letter to, 180.

Greenland, 139, 140;

held to be a part of Europe, 140, 145, 152;

part of Asia, 143;

a link between Europe and Asia, 616;

delineated on maps (Zeni), 634, 643;

(1467), 636;

(1482), 531, 532;

(1508), 532;

(1511), 577;

(1513), 544;

(1527), 600;

(1576), 647;

(1582), 598.

Grenada, 355.

Grimaldi, G. A., 21.

Grijalva, 565;

portrait, 566.

Gr?nlandia, 145. See Greenland.

Grothe, H., Da Vinci, 117.

Gryn?us, Simon. Novus Orbis, 607.

Guacanagari, the savage king, 234, 273, 275, 277;

faithful, 309;

maltreated, 316.

Guadaloupe, 268, 323.

Guanahani, seen by Columbus, 211.

Guarionex, 305, 309;

his conspiracy, 362, 364;

embarked for Spain, 440;

lost, 440.

Guelves, Count of, 524, 526.

Guerra, Luis, 375.

Guevara, Fernand de, watched by Roldan, 389.

Gulf Stream, 131, 352, 433.

Gutierrez, Pedro, 208.


Hadley's quadrant, 648.

Hakluyt, Richard, Principall Navigations, 637;

Western Planting, 647;

his interest in explorations, 650.

Hall, Edw., Chronicle, 14.

Halley, Edmund, his variation charts, 649.

Hammocks, 219, 222.

Hanno, the Carthaginian, 97.

Harrison's chronometer, 649.

Harrisse, Henry, his works on Columbus, 7, 51, 52;

on the Biblioteca Colombina, 41;

attacks the character of the Historie of 1571, 44;

his Fernando Colon, 45;

Les Colombo, 71;

Bank of St. George, 73.

Hartmann, George, his gores, 621.

Hauslab globes, 547, 548.

Hawkins, John, 632

Hawkins, Wm., 601.

Hayna mines, 322.

Hayna country, 360.

Hayti. See Espa?ola.

Heimskringla, 140, 147.

Helleland, 145.

Helps, Arthur, on the Spanish Conquest and Columbus, 58.

Henry the Navigator, Prince, death, 82, 100;

his navigators, 88, 97;

his relations to African discovery, 91;

his school, 92;

his portrait, 93;

his character, 97;

his tomb, 101;

his statue, 102.

Henri II., map. See Desceliers.

Herrera, the historian, 50;

map of Bahamas, 212.

Higuay, 305;

conquered, 474.

Hispaniola. See Espa?ola.

Hoces, F. de, discovers Cape Horn. 576.

Holy Sepulchre at Jerusalem, 169;

Columbus's purpose to rescue it, 170, 180.

Holywood. John, Sphera Mundi, 93.

Homem's map, 614, 616.

Hondius, 637.

Honduras, early voyages to, 337, 339;

map, 443;

coast explored, 562.

Hood, Dr. Thomas, 650.

Hudson's Bay, 650.

Hudson Bay Company, 658.

Hudson River, 649.

Hudson, Heinrich, his voyages, 649, 650.

Hues, Robert, Tractatus, 191, 201, 301.

Humboldt, Alex. von, Exam. Critique, 51;

on Columbus, 502, 504.


Ibarra, Bernaldo de, 347.

Iceland, Columbus at, 135;

early map, 136.

India, African route to, 90;

strait to, sought, 535, 555, 567, 569, 587, 591;

discovered at the south, 576.

Indies, name why used, 240.

Irving, W., Columbus, 55, 60;

his historical habit, 233, 234;

on Columbus, 501, 505.

Isabella of Spain, her character, 159, 479;

yields to Columbus's views, 178;

her appearance, 245;

her interest in Columbus's second voyage, 258;

her faith in Columbus shaken, 393, 396, 409;

dies, 479;

her will about the Indians, 482.

Isabella (island), 222.

Isabella (town) founded, 278.

Italy, her relations to American discovery, 33;

her conspicuous mariners, 104, 632;

and the new age, 496;

cartographers of, 601, 628.


Jack-staff, 261.

Jacquet Island, 111.

Jamaica, possibly Babeque, 230;

called Yamaye, 235;

discovered by Columbus, 291;

again visited, 300;

Columbus at, during his last voyage, 457.

Januarius, Hanibal, 22.

Japan, supposed position, 207. See Cipango.

Jayme, 92.

Jesso, 652, 653.

John of Anjou, 82, 84.

Jorrin, J. S., Varios Autografos, 7.

Jovius (Giovio) Paulus, his biography, 32;

his picture of Columbus, 61, 63;

Elogia, 64.

Juana. See Cuba.

Julius II., Pope, portrait, 517.


Kettell, Samuel, 10.

Khan, the Great, 90, 224.

King's Garden, 226.

Kolno (Skolno), 138.

Kublai Khan, 90, 224.


Labrador coast, Normans on, 413;

Portuguese on, 415.

Lachine, 613.

Lafuente y Alcántara, 13.

Lake, Arthur, 184.

Lamartine on Columbus, 75.

La mina (Gold coast), 101.

Laon globe, 123, 190.

Larreategui family, representatives of Columbus, 528.

Las Casas, B., his abridgment of Columbus's journal, 10;

his papers of Columbus, 19, 47;

his Historia, 45, 46;

his career, 47;

his portrait, 48;

his pity for the Indians, 50;

his father goes to the new world, 262;

at Santo Domingo, 429;

appeals for the Indians, 520;

on the respective merits of Columbus and Vespucius, 553.

Latitude, errors in observing, 261.

Latitude and longitude on maps, 601, 602.

Laurentian portolano (1351), 87.

Ledesma, Pedro, 454, 470.

Leibnitz, Codex, 71.

Leigh, Edward, 601.

Lemoyne, G. B., Colombo, 33.

Lenox globe, 571.

Lepe, Diego de, on the South American coast, 377.

Léry, Baron de, 556.

Liria, Duke of, 527.

Lisbon, naval battle near, 103;

Genoese in, 104.

Loadstone, its history. 93. See Magnet.

Log, ship's, 95, 96, 631.

Lok, Michael, map (1582), 597, 598, 616, 624, 646.

Long Island Sound, 616.

Longitude, methods of ascertaining, 259;

difficulties in computing, 602, 648, 650. See Latitude.

Longrais, Jouon des, Cartier, 612.

Lorgues, Roselly de, on Columbus, 53, 60, 503, 505.

Loyasa, 576.

Luca, the Florentine engineer, 22.

Lucayans, 218, 219, 271;

destroyed, 219, 515.

Lud, Walter, 439.

Lully, Raymond, Arte de Navegar, 93.

Luxan, Juan de, 288.


Machin, Robert, at Madeira, 87.

McClure, R. L., 660.

Madeira discovered, 86, 88.

Madoc, 138.

Magellan's voyage, 571, 589;

his portrait, 572;

compared with Columbus, 574;

maps of his straits, 575, 576.

Magnet, its history, 93;

use of, 198;

needle, 632;

pole, 203, 630. See Needle.

Magnus, Bishop, 139.

Maguana, 305.

Maine, Gulf of, 616, 646.

Maiollo map (1527), 570, 595, 597.

Major, R. H., on Columbus, 58;

on the naming of America, 538.

Malaga, Columbus at the siege of, 165.

Maldonado, Melchior, 277, 653.

Mandeville, Sir John, his travels, 116.

Mangon, 224, 294.

Manhattan, 649.

Manicaotex, 312.

Manilius, 107.

Mappemonde, Portuguese (1490), 152.

Maps, fifteenth century, 128;

projections of, 603. See Portolano.

Marchena, Antonio de, 259.

Marchena, Juan Perez de, 155;

portrait, 155;

intercedes for Columbus, 175.

Marchesio, F., 21.

Margarita, 355.

Margarite, Pedro, at St. Thomas, 288;

his career, 307.

Mariéjol, J. H., Peter Martyr, 35.

Marien, 305.

Marigalante, 266.

Mariguana, 216.

Marin, on Venetian commerce, 9.

Marine atlases, 649.

Markham, Clements R., his Hues, 191.

Markland, 145.

Martens, T., printer, 16.

Martines, his map, 616.

Martinez, Fernando, 108.

Martyr, Peter, has letters from Columbus, 19;

account of, 34;

knew Columbus, 35;

his letters, 34;

De Orbe Novo, or Decades, 35;

on Isabella, 160;

on Columbus's discovery, 247;

his map, (1511), 422, 556, 557;

fails to notice the death of Columbus, 491.

Massachusetts Bay, 616.

Mastic, 225.

Matheos, Hernan Perez, 347.

Mayobanex, 364.

Mauro, Fra, his world map, 99, 101, 116.

Medina, Pedro de, Arte de Navegar, 630;

map, 628, 629.

Medina-Celi, Duke of, 173;

entertains Columbus, 169.

Medina-Sidonia, Duke of, 173.

Mela, Pomponius, 107;

his world-map, 584;

Cosmographia, 585.

Mendez, Diego, his exploits, 451, 452, 456, 458;

sails from Jamaica for Espa?ola, 461;

arrives, 466;

sends to rescue Columbus, 470;

goes to Spain, 471;

appealed to by Columbus, 479, 487;

denied office by Diego Colon, 516.

Mendoza, Hurtado de, 610, 612.

Mendoza, Pedro Gonzales de, 159, 176.

Mercator, Gerard, pupil of Gemma, 603;

his earliest map, 621-623;

his globe of 1541, 554, 621, 625;

his projection, 636;

his map (1569), 638;

portrait, 639.

Mercator, R., his map of the polar regions, 202.

Mermaids, 236.

Meropes, 126.

Mississippi River discovered, 560.

Molineaux, his map, 616, 648.

Moluccas occupied by the Portuguese, 569;

dispute over their longitude, 590;

sold by Spain to Portugal, 591.

Moniz, Felipa, wife of Columbus, 105;

her family, 106.

Monte Peloso, Bishop of, 15.

Moon, eclipse of, 465.

Morton, Thos., New English Canaan, 620.

Mosquito coast, 444.

Moxica, Adrian de, 389.

Moya, Marchioness of, 175, 178.

Müller, Johannes, 94.

Mu?oz, J. B., his labors, 27;

his Historia, 27.

Münster, Seb., his maps, 621, 624;

(1532), 535, 537;

(1540), 596, 597;

portrait, 602.

Muratori, his collection, 30.

Murphy, Henry C., 595;

his library, 17.

Muscovy Company, 650.

Myritius, his map, 618.


Nancy globe, 606, 607.

Napier, logarithms, 651.

Nautical almanac, 649.

Navasa, island, 465.

Navarrete, M. F. de, his Coleccion, 27;

the French edition, 28;

criticised by Caleb Cushing, 28.

Navidad, La, destroyed, 273.

Navigation, art of, 131;

Columbus's method, 237, 260.

Needle, no variation of the, 198, 254;

its change of position, 199, 206, 254. See Magnet.

Negroes, first seen as slaves in Europe, 98;

early introduced in Espa?ola, 429, 488.

New Albion, 645.

New England, named, 649.

Newfoundland banks, early visits, 129, 340.

Newfoundland, visited by Gilbert, 646.

New France, 633.

Nicaragua, map of, 443.

Nicuessa, Diego de, in Castilla del Oro, 517, 562.

Ni?o, Pedro Alonso, 325;

on the pearl coast, 375.

Nombre de Dios, Cape, 448.

Nordenski?ld on Columbus's discovery, 248;

his Facsimile Atlas, 531, 532, 546, 548, 573, 577, 578 581, 582, 588, 589, 635, 636, 638;

map gores discovered by him, 549.


seamanship, 94; explorations, 555, 556.

Norman, Robt., 632.

North America held to be continuous with Asia, 576, 584. See America.

Northwest passage, the search for, 529, 640, 648, 650-652, 658;

mapped, 659.

Norumbega, 599, 616, 633.

Notarial records in Italy, 20;

in Spain, 25;

in Portugal, 26.

Nuremberg, Behaim's globe at, 191.


Ocampo, 565.

Oceanic currents, 130, 603.

Odericus Vitalis, 147.

Oderigo, Nicolo, 483.

Ojeda, Alonso de, in Columbus's second expedition, 2622, 270;

at St. Thomas, 389;

attacked by Caonabo, 308;

captures Caonabo, 313;

fired by Columbus's experiences in Paria, 372;

is permitted by Fonseca to sail thither, 372;

reaches Venezuela, 373;

at Espa?ola, 373;

returns to Spain, 375;

voyage (1499), 514;

his (1502) voyage, 427;

in New Andalusia, 517, 562.

Oliva, Perez de, on Columbus, 43, 45.

Ophir of Solomon, 322.

Orient, European notions of, 90, 109.

Ortegon, Diego, 528.

Ortelius, his Theatrum, 627, 638; portrait, 640;

his map of America, 641.

Ortis, Alonso, Los Tratados, 248.

Ovando, Nicholas de, sent to Santo Domingo, 429;

receives Mendez, 466;

his rule in Espa?ola, 466, 471;

sends a caraval to Jamaica to observe Columbus, 467;

sends to rescue him, 471;

receives him at Santo Domingo, 475;

recalled from Espa?ola, 515.

Oviedo, on the first voyage, 17;

as a writer, 38;

his career, 38;

Historia, 39;

on Isabella, 160;

on the arms of Columbus, 251;

on his motto, 251.

Oysters, 354.


Pacheco, his Coleccion, 29.

Pacheco, Carlos, 527.

Pacific Ocean named, 576;

explorations, 618;

Drake in the, 644;

sees Cape Horn, 644;

Gali's explorations, 646;

discoveries, 652;

wild theories about its coast, 652, 656, 658.

Paesi novamente retrovati, 417.

Palos, 182.

Panama founded, 565.

Papal authority to discover new lands, 252.

Paria, Gulf of, map, 353;

land of, 354.

Parmentier, Jean, 556.

Passamonte, Miguel, 518.

Pavia, university at, 80.

Pearls, 354.

Pedrarias, 564.

Peragallo, Prospero, Historie di F. Colombo, 46.

Perestrello, Bart., 88.

Perestrello family, 105.

Peringski?ld, 147.

Peru discovered, 564, 565.

Pesaro, F., 9.

Peschel, Oscar, on the Historie, 46.

Peter the Great, 653.

Pezagno, the Genoese, 86.

Ph?nicians as explorers, 127.

Philip II., of Spain, 523.

Philip the Handsome, 513.

Pineda, 560.

Pinelo, Francisco, 257.

Pinilla, T. R., Colon en Espa?a, 51.

Pinzon, Martin Alonso, at Rabida, 174;

engages with Columbus, 183;

deserts Columbus, 226;

returns, 235;

reaches Palos and dies, 242.

Pinzon, Vicente Ya?ez, with Columbus, 183;

his voyage (1494) across the equator, 376;

sees Cape St. Augustine, 376;

at Espa?ola, 377.

Pinzon and Solis's expedition, 570.

Piracy, 81.

Pirckheimer, 636.

Pizarro, 562, 564.

Plaanck, the printer, 15.

Plato and Atlantis, 126.

Plutarch's Saturnian Continent, 126.

Polar regions, map of, 202.

Polo, Marco, 90, 498;

annotations of Columbus in, 7;

in Cathay, 114;

his narrative Milione, 114;

his portrait, 115;

known to Columbus, 115.

Pompey stone, 560.

Ponce de Leon, Juan, 179, 556;

goes to the New World, 262;

portrait, 558;

his track, 559.

Porcacchi, his map, 620.

Porras, Fran?ois de, 437;

his revolt, 462;

ended, 470;

at court, 478.

Porto Bello, 448.

Porto Rico, 236, 272, 517.

Porto Santo discovered, 88, 105, 106.

Portolanos, 530. See Maps.

Potatoes, 225.

Portogallo, Alonso de, Count of Guelves, 526.

Portogallo, Nu?o de, becomes Duke of Veragua, 524, 526.

attractions for Columbus, 85;

spirit of exploration in, 86;

her expert seamen, 86, 92;

Genoese in her service, 86;

discovers Madeira, 86;

and the Azores, 86;

Columbus in, 103, 149;

the King sends an expedition to anticipate Columbus's discovery, 153;

Columbus's second visit, 168;

the bull of demarcation, 254;

negotiations with Spain, 255;

her pursuit of African discovery, 334;

establishes claims in South America, through the voyage of Cabral, 377;

sends out Coelho (1501), 410;

settlements on the Labrador coast, 415;

maps in, falsified, 417;

the spread of cartographical ideas, 423;

earliest maps, 533, 534;

denies them to other nations, 534;

her seamen on the Newfoundland coast, 555, 556;

push the African route to the Moluccas, 569;

on the coast of Brazil, 570;

on the Pacific coast, 592;

cartographical progress in, 602.

Prado, prior of, 508.

Prescott's, W. H., Ferdinand and Isabella, 57;

on Columbus, 501, 503.

Ptolemy, influence of, 91, 529, 638;

portrait, 530;

maps in, 530, 531, 627;

editions, 108;

(1511), 577;

(1513), 544, 545, 546, 582, 584;

(Stobnicza), 578;

(1522), 588;

(1525), 588;

(1535), 555, 588;

(1541), 588.


Queen's Gardens, 293, 299.

Quibian, 450;

his attacks, 451;

captured, 451;

escapes, 451.

Quinsay, 121, 124, 566, 607.

Quintanilla, Alonzo de, 158, 165, 176, 178.


Rabida, Convent of, 154;

at what date was Columbus there? 155, 173.

Rae, J. E. S., 12.

Ralegh, Sir Walter, his American projects, 647.

Ramusio on Columbus, 37.

Regiomontanus, 94, 301;

his astrolabe, 95, 96;

Ephemerides, 131.

Reinel, Pedro, his map, 534.

Reisch, Margarita Phil., 582, 587, 601;

map, 583, 587.

Remesal's Chyapa, 161.

Rene, Duke of Provence, 82, 538, 543.

Repartimientos, 314, 506, 507, 518.

Resende, Garcia de, Choronica, 33.

Ribero, map of the Antilles, 383;

map (1529), 562, 605;

invents a ship's pump, 603;

invents a ship's pump, 6033;

at the Seville conference, 604.

Ringmann, M., 538.

Rink, Henrik, 146.

Riquelme, Pedro, 389, 390.

Robertson, Wm., America, 55.

Robertus Monarchus, Bellum Christianorum Principum, 17.

Roberval, 614.

Rodriguez, Sebastian, 175.

Roldan revolts, 362, 366;

reinstated, 370;

sent to confront Ojeda, 374;

watched by Moxica, 389;

sails for Spain, 440;

lost, 440.

Romans on the Atlantic, 127.

Roselly de Lorgues, his efforts to effect canonization of Columbus, 53, 60, 503, 505.

Ross, Sir John, 651.

Rotz, map, 612;

Boke of Idiography, 613.

Roxo, Cape, passed, 99.

Rubruquis, 90, 121.

Ruscelli, his map, 616, 617.

Rut, John, 601.

Ruy de Pina, archivist of Portugal, 33, 149.

Ruysch, map, 143, 532;

Ptolemy, 341.


Sabellicus, 103.

Sacrobosco. See Holywood.

Sagas, 146.

Saguenay River, 616.

St. Brandan's Island, 112.

St. Dié, college at, 538.

St. Jerome, monks of, 508.

St. Lawrence, Gulf of, 612.

St. Thomas (fort), 287.

St. Thomas (island), 231.

Saints' days, suggest geographical names, 229.

Salamanca, council of, 161, 164;

University, 162.

Salcedo, Diego de, goes to Jamaica, 471.

Samaot, 221.

San Jorge da Mina, 134.

San Salvador, 211, 215.

Sanarega, Bart., 21, 30.

Sanchez, Gabriel, letter to, 11.

Sanchez, Juan, 451; killed, 470.

Sanchez, Rodrigo, 209.

Sandacourt, J. B. de, 540.

Santa Cruz, Alonso de, 203.

Santa Cruz (island), 271.

Santa Maria de la Concepcion, 220.

Santa Maria de las Cuevas, 25.

Santangel, Luis de, 11, 175, 178.

Santo Domingo, archives, 26;

founded, 360;

cathedral at, 492, 493.

Sanuto, Livio, Geographia, 201.

Sanuto, Marino, his diary, 421;

cartographer, 86.

Sargasso Sea, 204.

Savona, records of, 20;

the Colombos of, 74.

Saxo Grammaticus, 147.

Sch?ner, Johann, his globe, 551, 572;

his charges against Vespucius, 554;

Opusculum geographicum, 555, 567, 607;

Luculentissima descriptio, 587;

portrait, 588;

De insulis, 589;

his alleged globe, 589, 590;

his variable beliefs, 607.

Schouten defines Tierra del Fuego, 577.

Sea-atlases, 603.

Sea of Darkness, 86, 243;

fantastic islands of, 111.

Sea-manuals, 630.

Seamanship, early, 92.

Seneca, his Medea, 118.

Servetus, his Ptolemy, 555.

Seven Cities, Island of. See Antillia.

Sevilla d'Oro, 471.

Seville, archives at, 23;

cathedral of, 171;

cartographical conference at, 603.

Shea, J. G., on the Historie, 46;

on the canonization of Columbus, 54;

onColumbus, 504.

Ships (fifteenth century), 82;

speed of, 94;

of Columbus's time, 192, 193.

Sierra Leone discovered, 101.

Silber, Franck, the printer, 15.

Simancas, archives, 22, 23;

view of the building, 24.

Skralingeland, 145.

Slavery, efforts of Columbus to place the Indians in, 220, 230, 281, 282, 311, 314, 318, 327, 331, 360, 367, 371, 394, 402, 403, 429, 437, 472, 482, 505, 506;

after Columbus's time, 518, 520.

Smith, Captain John, his explorations, 649.

Smith, Sir Thomas, 630.

Solinus, 107.

Soria, Juan de, 257.

Sousa, A. C. de, Hist. Geneal., 27.

South America, earliest picture of the natives, 336;

earliest seen, 352;

its coast nomenclature, 412;

supposed southern cape, 573. See America.

Southern cross first seen, 99, 376.

Spain, archives of, 22;

publication of, 28, 29;

Cartas de Indias, 29;

Columbus in, 1549;

the Genoese in, 157;

map of (1482), 165;

powerful grandees, 172;

the bull of demarcation, 254;

suspicious of Portugal, 254;

council for the Indies, 257;

plans expedition to the north, 413;

her authority in the Indies, 481;

the Crown's suit with Diego Colon, 514, 553;

King Ferdinand dies, 520;

Charles V., 523;

Philip II., 523;

her secretiveness about maps, 534, 554, 560, 627, 639;

earliest accounts of America, 587;

her seamen in the St. Lawrence region, 555;

on the Atlantic coast, 560;

council of the Indies instituted, 591;

failure to publish map in, 602;

Casa de la Contratacion, 603;

her sea-manuals, 630.

Spotorno, Father, Codice diplom. Colom. Americano, 4;

La Tavola di Bronzo, 5.

Square Gulf, 613.

Staglieno, the Genoese antiquary, 21, 75.

Stamler, Johannis, 543.

Stephanius, Sigurd, his map, 144, 145.

Stevens, Henry, 533;

on the Historie, 45;

on La Cosa's map, 385;

his Sch?ner, 424.

Stevens, edition of Herrera, 55.

Stimmer, Tobias, 64.

Stobnicza's introduction to Ptolemy, 578;

his map, 580, 581, 585.

Stockfish, 128, 340.

Strabo, 107.

Straits of Hercules, voyages beyond, 81.

Strong, Richard, 646.

Sumner, George, 246.

Sylvanus, his edition of Ptolemy first gave maps of the Cortereal discoveries, 419;

edits Ptolemy, 577;

his map, 579.

Sylvius, ?neas, Historia, 7.


Talavera, Fernando de, 156, 508;

and Columbus's projects, 161, 176.

Teneriffe, 195.

Terra Verde, 416, 420.

Thevet, André, his stories, 633.

Thorne, Robt., map (1527), 600-602.

Thyle, 135.

Ticknor, George, 10.

Tobacco, 225.

Tobago, 355.

Tordesillas, treaty of, 310.

Torre do Tombo, archives, 25.

Torres, Antonio de, returns to Spain in command of fleet, 282, 317.

Tortuga, 228, 229.

Toscanelli, Paolo, 499;

his letters, 7, 107-109;

his map, 49, 109, 110, 191v;

dies, 117.

Triana, Rodrigo de, 211.

Trinidad, 350.

Tristan, Diego, his fate, 452, 453.

Tritemius, Epistolarum libri, 412.

Trivigiano, A., translates Peter Martyr, 35;

Libretto, 36;

his letters, 420.

Tross gores, 577.


Ulloa, Francisco de, 610.

Ullua, Alfonso de, 44.

Ulpius globe, 597.

Usselinx, W., 20, 649.


Vadianus, portrait, 585.

Vallejo, Alonso de, 347.

Valsequa's map, 88.

Vancouver, 658.

Variation. See Needle.

Varnhagen on the first letter of Columbus, 14;

and the early cartography, 382, 386.

Vasconcellos, 149.

Vatican archives, 22;

maps, 633.

Vaulx, 616.

Velasco, Pedro de, 156.

Vega Real, 286;

its natives, 288.

Venegas, California, 658.

Venezuela, named by Ojeda, 373.

Venice, cartographers of, 629.

Veradus, 17.

Veragua, map,


characteristics of its coast, 447;

its abortive settlement, 456;

Duke of, title given to Columbus's grandson, 523.

Verde, Simone, 283, 347.

Verde, Cape, reached, 98.

Verrazano on the Atlantic coast, 592, 593;

map, 594;

his voyage disputed, 595;

his so-called sea, 596, 646;

discoveries, 633.

Verzellino, G. V., his memoirs, 21.

Vespucius, Americus, and the naming of America, 30;

engaged in fitting out the second expedition of Columbus, 258;

supposed voyage (1497), 336;

controversy over, 338;

his character as a writer, 359;

his first voyage, 373;

in Coelho's fleet, 410;

his Mundus Novus, 410, 411, 542;

relations to the early cartography, 412;

his name bestowed on the New World, 36, 412, 538-555;

personal relations with Columbus, 484;

his narrative, 485;

writes an account of his voyage, 538;

portrait, 539;

his narrative published, 540;

his discoveries compared with those of Columbus, 542, 543;

miscalled Albericus, 543;

suspects gravitation, 543;

not called in the Columbus lawsuit, 553;

charged with being privy to the naming of America, 553, 554;

pilot major, 553;

dies, 5533;

his map, 553;

his fame in England, 554.

Vienna, geographers at, 585.

Villalobos, 612.

Vinci, Leonardo da, his map, 581, 582.

Vinland, 144, 146.

Virginia, named, 648;

map, 654, 655.

Viscaino, Sebastian, 652.

Vopel, Gaspar, his globe, 607.

Volterra, Maffei de, 32.

Vries, De, 652.


Wagenaer, Lucas, his Spieghel, 603.

Waldseemüller, his career, 540;

Cosmographi? Introductio, 540;

its title, 541;

edits Ptolemy, 546, 582;

his map, 412.

Walker, John, 646.

Warsaw codex (Ptolemy), map, 635-637.

Watling's Island, 216.

Watt, Joachim. See Vadianus.

Waymouth, George, 650.

West India Company, 649.

White, John, his map, 597, 599.

Winsor, Justin, America, 59.

Wright, Edw., improves Mercator's projection, 637.

Wytfliet, his maps, 630 631.


Xaragua, 305;

made subject, 361, 473.

Ximenes in power, 520.


Yucatan, 629;

discovered, 565, 567.


Zarco, 87.

Zeni, the, 138, 634;

their map, 634, 635;

their influence, 642.

Ziegler, Schondia and its map, 615, 617.

Zoana mela, 582, 583.

Zorzi or Montalboddo, Paesi novamente retrovati, 36.

Zu?iga, Diego Ortiz de, on Seville, 169.

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