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   Chapter 12 THE DISSOLUTION.

Woman under Monasticism By Lina Eckenstein Characters: 243328

Updated: 2017-12-06 00:03


'In church, chapell and priory

Abby, hospitall and nunry,

Sparing nother man nor woman,

Coopes, albes, holy ornamentes,

Crosses, chalecys, sensurs and rentes,

Convertyng all to usys prophane.'

The Blaspheming English Lutherans, verse 33.

'The Abbaies went doune because of there pride,

And made the more covetus riche for a tyme,

There leivenges dispercid one everi syde,

Where wonce was somme praier, now placis for swyne.'

Quoted by Furnival from Douce MS. 365, l. 95.

§ 1. The Dissolution in England.

The movement of the 16th century commonly spoken of as the Reformation was the forcible manifestation of a revolution in thought which had long been preparing. This period may fitly be likened to a watershed between the socialistic tendencies of the Middle Ages and the individualistic tendencies which have mainly prevailed since. It forms the height which limits average modern conceptions, but which can be made the standpoint from which a more comprehensive view of things past and present becomes possible. Like other great epochs in history it is characterised by a sense of assurance, aspiration, and optimism,-and by wasted possibilities which give its study an ever renewed interest. The political, social, and intellectual changes which accompanied the Reformation are especially interesting nowadays when the standards which were then formulated are felt to be no longer final. The progressive thought of to-day, heretical though the assertion may sound to some, has become markedly insensible to the tenets which the reformers of the 16th century propounded and in which Protestantism found its strength and its safeguard. While paying due deference to the courage of the men who heralded what was advance if measured by such needs as they realised, the thinker of to-day dwells not so much on the factors of civilisation which those men turned to account as on those which they disregarded;-he is attracted by Erasmus, not by Luther, and looks more to him who worked in the interest of reform than to him who worked in the interest of the Reformation.

Among the important social changes effected by the Reformation the dissolution of the monasteries forms a small but a significant feature, a feature pregnant with meaning if considered in the light of the changing standards of family and sex morality. For those who attacked the Church of Rome in her fundamentals, while differing in points of doctrine, were at one in the belief that the state of morality needed amendment, and that marriage supplied the means of effecting the desired change. In open antagonism to principles which formed the groundwork of monasticism, they declared celibacy odious and the vow of chastity contradictory to scriptural teaching and in itself foolish and presumptuous.

The language in which Luther, Bullinger and Becon inculcated these principles is often offensive to modern ears. Their views are wanting in good taste, but consistency cannot be denied them. For these men were logical in condemning the unmarried state at every point, attacking it equally in the priest, the monk, the nun and the professed wanton. The changed attitude towards loose women has repeatedly been referred to in the course of this work, and it has been pointed out how such women, at one time not without power, had been steadily sinking in general estimation. Society, bent on having a clear line drawn between them and other women, had interfered with them in many ways, and had succeeded in stamping them as a class, to its own profit and to their disadvantage. But even at the close of the Middle Ages these women retained certain rights, such as that of having free quarters in the town, which the advocates of the new faith openly attacked and summarily swept away. Zealous if somewhat brutal in the cause of an improved morality, they maintained that marriage was the most acceptable state before God and that a woman had no claim to consideration except in her capacity as wife and mother.

The calling of the nun was doomed to fall a sacrifice to this teaching. Her vocation was in antagonism to the doctrines of the party of progress, and where not directly attacked was regarded with a scarcely less fatal indifference. It has been shown that great efforts were made before the Reformation to reform life in nunneries, but various obstacles, and among them a growing indifference to the intellectual training and interests of women, were in the way of their permanent improvement. The nun was chiefly estimated by her devotional pursuits, and when the rupture came with Rome and these devotional pursuits were declared meaningless, individuals who were driven from their homes might be pitied, and voices here and there might be raised deploring the loss of the possibilities secured by the convent, but no active efforts were made to preserve the system, nothing was attempted to save an institution, the raison d'être of which had vanished.

Previous to the Reformation the efforts of churchmen on the Continent to reform convent life had led in several instances to the disbanding of a convent. In England like results ensued from the conduct of churchmen, who in their efforts to regenerate society by raising the tone of religion, rank with the older humanists abroad. These men had no intention of interfering with the institution of monasticism as such, but were bent on removing certain abuses. Among them were John Alcock, bishop of Ely, Fisher, bishop of Rochester, and Cardinal Wolsey; they appropriated a number of decayed convents on the plea of promoting religious education, and their action may be said to have paved the way towards a general dissolution.

Among the monasteries dissolved by them were several belonging to nuns, and the fact is noteworthy that wherever the property of women was appropriated, it was appropriated to the use of men. Considering that the revenues of these houses had been granted for women and had been administered by women for centuries, this fact appears somewhat regrettable from the woman's point of view. But no blame attaches on this account to the men, for their attitude was in keeping with progressive thought generally and was shared by women themselves. Thus Margaret Beaufort (? 1509) the mother of Henry VII, whose college foundations have given her lasting fame, seems never to have been struck by the thought that advantages might accrue from promoting education among women also. She founded Christ's College at Cambridge, planned the foundation there of St John's, and instituted divinity professorships both at Oxford and at Cambridge. But her efforts, in which she was supported by Fisher, bishop of Rochester, were entirely devoted to securing an improved education for the clergy.

The nunnery of St Radegund's at Cambridge was among the first establishments appropriated in the interest of the higher religious education of men on the plea of decay and deterioration. It had supported a convent of twelve nuns as late as 1460, but in 1496 it was dissolved. The change was effected by John Alcock, bishop of Ely (? 1500), a man of liberal spirit who ranks high among contemporary ecclesiastics. The king's licence[1047] for the dissolution of the house contains words to the effect that it had fallen into decay owing to neglect, improvidence, and the dissolute dispositions of the prioress and convent, which were referable to the close proximity of Cambridge. The house had only two inmates, of whom one had been professed elsewhere and the other was a girl. The bishop asked leave to declare the house dissolved in order to appropriate its possessions and revenues to the foundation of a college of one master (magister), six fellows (socii) and a certain number of students (scolares). These numbers show that the property of the house was not inconsiderable. The sanction of Pope Alexander III having been obtained[1048], the nunnery of St Radegund was transformed into Jesus College, Cambridge[1049].

This instance paved the way for others. The suppression of the smaller monasteries for the purpose of founding and endowing seats of learning on a large scale was advocated by Cardinal Wolsey soon after his accession to power. He was advanced to the chancellorship in 1513 and was nominated cardinal by the Pope in 1515, and among the first houses which he dissolved were the two nunneries of Bromhall in Berkshire and Lillechurch in Kent.

In a letter about Bromhall addressed to the bishop of Salisbury[1050] Wolsey directs him to 'proceed against enormities, misgovernance and slanderous living, long time heretofore had, used, and continued by the prioress and nuns.' The nuns were to be removed 'to other places of that religion, where you best and most conveniently bestow them, especially where they may be brought and induced unto better and more religious living.' Henry VIII asked in a letter to the bishop that the deeds and evidences of the convent 'by reason of the vacation of the said place' might be delivered to his messenger[1051]. It is not clear whether the inmates returned to the world or were transferred to other nunneries. In 1522 it was found that the prioress Joan Rawlins had resigned, her only two nuns had abandoned the house, and it was granted to St John's College, Cambridge, by the interest and procurement of Fisher, bishop of Rochester[1052].

Full information is preserved about the charges brought against the nuns at Lillechurch. From records at Cambridge we learn on what pleas proceedings were taken. The house formerly contained sixteen nuns, but for some years past there had been only three or four. It stood in a public place, that is on the road to Rochester, and was frequented by clerics, and the nuns were notorious for neglect of their duties and incontinence. Moreover the foundations at Cambridge made by Margaret Beaufort needed subsidizing, and public feeling was against the house. Depositions were taken in writing from which we see that the prioress was dead, and that one of the three inmates had yielded to temptation some eight or nine years before. In answer to the question: 'Alas, madam, how happened this with you?'-she replied: 'And I had been happy I might have caused this thing to have been unknown and hidden.'-Together with her two companions she agreed to sign the form of surrender (dated 1521), which was worded as follows. 'Not compelled by fear or dread, nor circumvented by guile or deceit, out of my own free will, for certain just and lawful reasons (I) do resign and renounce all my right, title, interest and possession that I have had and now have in the aforesaid monastery.' We do not know what became of these women. Their house was given over to Bishop Fisher, and by letters patent it also passed to St John's College, Cambridge[1053].

Regarding the charges of immorality brought against the inmates of convents in this and in other instances, it has been repeatedly pointed out by students that such accusations should be received with a reservation, for the occurrence may have taken place before the nun's admission to the house. The conventionalities of the time were curiously loose in some respects; the court of Henry VIII could boast of scant respect even for the conjugal tie, and a woman of the upper classes who disgraced herself naturally took refuge in a convent, where she could hope in some measure to redeem her character. The fact that Anne Boleyn, who was averse to the whole monastic system, at one time thought of retiring into a nunnery, is quoted as a case in point[1054].

The readiness of Wolsey to dissolve decayed convents and to appropriate their property grew apace with his increase of power. In no case is it recorded that he was deterred by opposition. In 1524 he appropriated St Frideswith's, a house of Austin canons at Oxford, and made it the nucleus of his great college[1055]. His legatine powers being further extended by a bull of the same year and the royal consent being obtained[1056], twenty small convents were dissolved by him during the next few years[1057]. Among them we note two nunneries, Wykes in Essex, and Littlemore in Oxfordshire[1058]. But little is known of the number and character of their inmates at the time. Two further bulls[1059] were obtained by Wolsey from Pope Clement (1523-34) for diminishing the number of monasteries and suppressing houses of less than twelve inmates. Gasquet, to whom we are indebted for a detailed account of the dissolution, shows that Clement, who was hard pressed by the Lutheran agitation at the time, only reluctantly yielded to Wolsey's request[1060].

Wolsey's proceedings in the matter, however, roused considerable local dissatisfaction and brought censure on him from the king. 'They say not that all that is ill gotten is bestowed on the colleges,' Henry wrote to him on the eve of his fall, 'but that the college is the cloak for covering mischiefs.' The king's ire was further roused by the cardinal's accepting the appointment of Isabel Jordan as abbess of Wilton, a house which was under royal patronage, and where the acceptance of the abbess belonged to the king. Anne Boleyn was in the ascendant in Henry's favour at the time, and wanted the post for someone else. But on enquiry at Wilton the unsuitability of this person became apparent. 'As touching the matter of Wilton,' Henry wrote to Anne, 'my lord cardinal has had the nuns before him and examined them, Master Bell being present, who has certified to me that for a truth she has confessed herself (which we would have abbess) to have had two children by sundry priests, and further since has been kept by a servant of Lord Broke that was, and not long ago; wherefore I would not for all the world clog your conscience nor mine to make her ruler of a house who is of such ungodly demeanour, nor I trust, you would not that neither for brother nor sister I should so stain mine honour and conscience[1061].' It is evident from this letter that whatever the character of the women received into the house might be, the antecedents of the lady superior were no matter of indifference. In this case the king's objection to one person and the unsuitability of the other led to the appointment of a third[1062].

From the year 1527 all other questions were swallowed up by the momentous question of the king's divorce. Wolsey, who refused to comply with his wishes, went into retirement in 1529 and died in the following year. The management of affairs then passed into the hands of those who in this country represented the ruthless and reckless spirit of rebellion which had broken loose abroad. However several years passed before the attempt to appropriate the revenues of monasteries was resumed.

In the intervening period of increasing social and political unrest we note the publication, some time before 1529, of the 'Supplication for beggars,' with which London was flooded[1063]. It was an attack on the existing religious and monastic orders by the pamphleteer Simon Fish (? c. 1530). Based on the grossest misrepresentations this supplication, in a humorous style admirably suited to catch popular attention, set forth the poverty of the people, the immorality of those who were vowed to religion, and the lewdness of unattached women, and declared that if church and monastic property were put to a better use these evils would be remedied. The king, who was on the eve of a rupture with Rome, lent a willing ear to this 'supplication,' and it so fell in with the general belief in coming changes that the refutation of its falsehoods and the severe criticism of Luther written in reply by Thomas More passed for the most part unheeded[1064].

Another incident which reflects the spirit of the time in its contrarieties and instability, is the way in which Elizabeth Barton, of the parish of Aldington, the so-called Maid or Nun of Kent, rose to celebrity or notoriety. Her foresight of coming events had been received as genuine by many men of distinction, but her visions concerning the king's projected divorce were fiercely resented by the king's partisans. Bishop Fisher wept tears of joy over her, Wolsey received her as a champion of Queen Katherine's cause, and even Thomas More showed some interest in her, while Cromwell accused her of rank superstition and induced Henry to take proceedings against her[1065]. She had been a servant girl, but at the instigation of the clergy at Canterbury had been received into St Sepulchre's nunnery, where she lived for seven years and was looked upon with special favour by the Carthusian monks of Charterhouse and Sheen, and the inmates of the monastery of Sion. At the beginning of 1533 the king was married to Anne, and in the autumn of the same year Elizabeth Barton was accused of treasonable incitement and made to do public penance. Later a bill of attainder was brought in against her, and as Gasquet has shown[1066], she was condemned without a hearing and executed at Tyburn with several Carthusian monks who were inculpated with her on the charge of treason. Henry also made an attempt to get rid of Bishop Fisher and of Sir Thomas More by causing them to be accused of favouring her 'conspiracy,' but the evidence against them was too slight to admit of criminal proceedings. It was on the charge of declaring that Henry was not the supreme head of the Church that Fisher suffered death (June, 1535), and on the yet slighter charge of declining to give an opinion on the matter, that More was executed a fortnight later[1067].

The parliament of 1533 had passed the act abolishing appeals to the Court of Rome, and among other rights had transferred that of monastic visitation from the Pope to the king. In the following year a further division was made,-the king claimed to be recognised as the head of the Church. It was part of Henry's policy to avoid openly attacking any part of the old system; gradual changes were brought about which undermined prerogatives without making a decided break. Cromwell was appointed vicegerent in ecclesiastical matters, and it was on the plea of securing the recognition of the king's supremacy that he deputed a number of visitors or agents to conduct monastic visitations on a large scale, and to secure all possible information about religious houses. His plan and the way in which it was carried out struck a mortal blow at the whole monastic system.

The agents employed by Cromwell were naturally laymen, and the authority of the diocesan was suspended while they were at work. Great powers were conferred on them. A list of the instructions they received is in existence; and we gather from it that monks and nuns were put through searching interrogatories concerning the property of their house, the number of its inmates, its founders and privileges, its maintenance of discipline, and the right conduct of its inmates. The agents then enjoined severance from the Pope or any other foreign superior, and directed those who had taken the vow, whether men or women, henceforth to observe strict seclusion. A daily lesson in scripture was to be read; the celebration of the hours was to be curtailed; profession made under the age of twenty-four was declared invalid; and 'other special injunctions,' says the document, might 'be added by the visitors as the place and nature of accounts rendered (or comperts) shall require,' subject to the wisdom and discretion of Cromwell[1068].

The character of the visitors engaged in this task has been variously estimated. Among them was Dr Legh (? 1545) who is described by a contemporary as a doctor of low quality. He wrote to Cromwell (July, 1535) recommending himself and Layton (? 1544) for the purpose of visitation[1069]. Layton had previously acted for Cromwell in conducting visitations at Sheen and Sion in the affair of Elizabeth Barton. Legh afterwards complained that he did not act as he himself did in regard to enforcing injunctions[1070], but Legh, even in the eyes of his companion John ap Rice, another visitor with whom he had started for the western countries, was needlessly severe. 'At Laycock (nunnery),' wrote ap Rice[1071], 'we can find no excesses. Master (Legh) everywhere restrains the heads, the brethren and sisters from going forth; and no women of what estate soever are allowed to visit religious men's houses and vice versa. I think this is over strict, for as many of these houses stand by husbandry they must fall to decay if the heads are not allowed to go out.'

We have seen, in connection with matters on the Continent, that the heads of houses who were landowners felt it impossible to conform to the rule of always keeping within the precincts. The injunction in this case gave rise to a number of letters of complaint addressed by the heads of monasteries to Cromwell[1072]. Cecil Bodman, abbess of Wilton, wrote to him as follows[1073].

'Dr Legh the king's visitor and your deputy, on visiting my house, has given injunction that not only all my sisters but that I should keep continually within the precincts. For myself personally I am content; but as the house is in great debt, and is not likely to improve without good husbandry, which cannot be exercised so well by any other as by myself, I beg you will allow me, in company with two or three of the sad (serious) and discreet sisters of the house, to supervise such things abroad as shall be for its profit. I do not propose to lodge any night abroad, except by inevitable necessity I cannot return. I beg also, that whenever any father, mother, brother, sister, or nigh kinsfolk of my sisters, come unto them, they may have licence to speak with them in the hall in my presence. Wilton, 5 Sept.' (1535).

Another injunction which was felt to be a calamity was the order declaring that profession made under twenty-four was invalid. 'No greater blow could have been struck at the whole theory of religious life,' says Gasquet[1074], 'than the interference with the vows contained in the order to dismiss those who were under twenty-four years of age or who had been professed at the age of twenty. The visitors, it is clear, had no scruple about their power to dispense with the solemn obligations of the monastic profession. They freely extended it to any who would go, in their idea that the more they could induce to leave their convents, the better pleased both the king and Cromwell would be.'

How far inmates of convents availed themselves of the permission to go is difficult to establish. Margaret Vernon, abbess of Little Marlow in Buckinghamshire, who was left with only one nun, did not feel unwilling to give up her house, and wrote to Cromwell as follows[1075].

'After all due commendations had unto your good mastership, with my most humble thanks for the great cost made on me and my poor maidens at my last being with your mastership, furthermore may it please you to understand that your visitors have been here of late, who have discharged three of my sisters, the one is dame Catheryn, the other two are the young women who were last professed, which is not a little to my discomfort; nevertheless I must be content with the king's pleasure. But now as touching mine own part, I most humbly beseech you so special a good master unto me your poor bedewoman, to give me your best advice and counsel what way shall be best for me to take, seeing there shall be none left here but myself and this poor maiden; and if it will please your goodness to take this house into your own hands either for yourself, or for my own (master) your son, I would be glad with all my heart to give it into your mastership's hands, with that you will command me to do therein. Trusting and nothing doubting in your goodness, that you will so provide for us that we shall have such honest living that we shall not be driven by necessity either to beg or to fall to other inconvenience. And thus I offer myself and all mine unto your most high and prudent wisdom, as unto him that is my only refuge and comfort in this world, beseeching God of His goodness to put in you His Holy Spirit, that you may do all things to His laud and glory. By your own assured bedewoman M(argaret) V(ernon).'

Some time afterwards she was in London, trying to get an interview with Cromwell, and eventually she became governess to his son[1076]. The property of her nunnery, together with that of Ankerwyke in Buckinghamshire, and several monasteries of men, was granted by Henry in 1537 to the newly founded abbey of Bisham, but at the general dissolution it fell to the crown[1077].

Another petition touching the matter of dismissing youthful convent inmates was addressed to Cromwell by Jane G(o)wryng[1078], in which she begs that four inmates of her house, whose ages are between fifteen and twenty-five and who are in secular apparel may resume their habits or else have licence to dwell in the close of the house till they are twenty-four. Also she wishes to know if two girls of twelve and thirteen, the one deaf and dumb, the other an idiot, shall depart or not. Again a letter was addressed to Cromwell, asking that a natural daughter of Cardinal Wolsey might continue at Shaftesbury till she be old enough to take the vow[1079].

Modern writers are agreed that the effect of these visitations was disastrous to authority and discipline within the convent, not so much through the infringement of privileges as through the feeling of uncertainty and restlessness which they created. Visitation was dreaded in itself. With reference to Barking nunnery Sir Thomas Audley wrote to Cromwell: 'I am informed that Dr Lee is substituted by you to visit all the religious houses in the diocese of London. My suit at this time to you is that it may please you to spare the house at Barking[1080].'

In point of fact the visitations were conducted in a manner which left those immediately concerned in no doubt as to the ultimate object in view. In court circles likewise men were aware that the monastic system was threatened by dangerous and far-reaching changes. While Cromwell's agents were on their tours of inspection Chapuys, the French ambassador (Sept. 1535) wrote as follows[1081]: 'There is a report that the king intends the religious of all orders to be free to leave their habits and marry. And if they will stay in their houses they must live in poverty. He intends to take the rest of the revenue and will do stranger things still.' And two months later he wrote that the king meant to exclude the abbots from the House of Lords for fear of their opposition to his intentions regarding the spoliation of monasteries[1082].

The one merit Cromwell's visitors can claim is despatch, for in six months, between July 1535 and February 1536, the information on the monasteries was collected throughout the country and laid before Parliament. Gasquet has shown that the House of Lords was the same which had been packed for passing the act of divorce, and that the king, bent on carrying his purpose, bullied the Commons into its acceptance[1083].

The preamble to the bill is couched in strong terms and begins as follows[1084]: 'Forasmuch as manifest sins, vicious, carnal, and abominable living is daily used and committed amongst the little and small abbeys, priories, and other religious houses of monks, canons and nuns, where the congregation of such religious persons is under the number of twelve persons, whereby the governors of such religious houses and their convent spoil, destroy, consume and utterly waste, as well their churches, monasteries, priories, principal houses, farms, granges, lands, tenements and hereditaments, as the ornaments of their churches and their goods and chattels, to the high displeasure of Almighty God, slander of good religion, and to the great infamy of the king's highness and the realm, if redress should not be had thereof,' ... and it goes on to say that since visitations have produced no results, and bad living continues, the Lords and Commons, after deliberation, have resolved to put the possessions of these religious houses to a better use, and that the king and his heirs shall for ever enjoy all houses that are not above the clear annual value of £200 in like manner as the heads of houses at present enjoy it, but that the king by 'his most excellent charity' is pleased to grant pensions to those whom he deprives.

Touching the evidence on which action was taken writers of the Elizabethan era speak of the so-called Black Book, the existence of which has since been disproved[1085]. Latimer in a sermon preached in 1549 refers to the 'enormities' which were brought to the knowledge of the house; we hold a clue to these in the letters forwarded by Cromwell's agents when on their tours of inspection, and in their 'comperts' or accounts rendered. The condensed accounts (comperta compertorum) rendered by Layton and Legh for the province of York including one hundred and twenty monasteries are extant, as also two other reports, one on twenty-four houses in Norfolk, another on ten[1086].

It has been remarked that the evidence collected differs according to the character of the informers; the reports of Tregonwell for example are by no means so full of scandal as those of Layton and Legh. Moreover Layton and Legh gave a specially bad character to houses in the north where, as we shall see later on, both the people and the gentry were in favour of their continuance. It should also be noted that the state of the lesser houses which fell under the act was not uniformly worse than that of the larger. Many difficulties of course stood in the way of the men who collected evidence. They were received with suspicion and hatred, which their proceedings were not likely to dissipate, and they naturally lent a willing ear to any one who gave information of the character required. It has been shown that in several instances their reports were directly contradicted by those made by the leading men in the different counties, who after the passing of the act were appointed to make a new and exact survey, so that, considering the evidence forthcoming from both sides, it seems reasonable to accept that while the mode of life within convents no longer compared favourably with the mode of life outside them, their standard had not fallen so low, as to render these institutions uniformly despicable.

An example of how the visitors were received is afforded by a letter from Layton to Cromwell, in which he describes how after meeting Legh in the north they visited Chicksand, a Gilbertine house in Bedfordshire[1087]. The nuns here at first refused to admit him, and when he forced an entrance the two prioresses would not admit the accusations made against two of their nuns, 'nor the parties concerned, nor the nuns, only one old beldame.' He tried intimidation and was told by the prioress 'that they were bound by their religion never to confess the secret faults done among them except only to their visitor of religion, and to that they were sworn every one of them at their first admission.'

A similar esprit de corps was manifested by a house of Gilbertine canons[1088]. Layton in the same letter gives a bad character to the nunnery of Harwold, in Bedfordshire, which was inhabited by Austin canonesses[1089], and the inmates of which had been foolish enough to sign a Latin document in favour of Lord Mordaunt without knowing what it contained.

The accusations brought by the visitors can be summarised under two headings, superstitions and scandalous living. The accounts of superstitions are full of most interesting particulars for the student of art and of folklore; the properties which were attached to relics, the character of the images and paintings which were held in reverence, and the construction of saint-images, will amply repay study[1090]. The instances of scandalous living recorded are numerous and affect alike the inmates of men's and of women's houses. Coloured as they may be to suit the temper of inquisitor and informer, there is no denying that they point to an advanced state of monastic decay.

It has been estimated that the lesser houses including those of monks and nuns which fell under the act numbered about three hundred and eighty; they were to surrender to the crown within a year. Of these the women's houses, owing to their comparative poverty, were relatively more numerous than those of the men. Out of about one hundred and thirty nunneries which existed at this period only fifteen were exempt through having a yearly income exceeding £200, but in addition to these over twenty by some means or other secured a reprieve.

As the act abolishing the lesser houses was based on the assumption of their corruption, the heads of some of the houses which bore a good character asked leave on this ground to remain. Among those who wrote to Cromwell in this sense was Jane Messyndyne, prioress of a convent of about ten nuns at Legbourne in Leicestershire, who pleaded that no fault had been found with her house[1091]. 'And whereas,' she wrote, 'we do hear that a great number of abbeys shall be punished, suppressed and put down because of their misliving, and that all abbeys and priories under the value of £200 be at our most noble prince's pleasure to suppress and put down, yet if it may please your goodness we trust in God you shall hear no complaints against us neither in our living nor hospitality keeping.' But petitions such as hers apparently passed unheeded, for in the autumn of the same year (Sept. 1536), the process of dissolution was going on at her house[1092].

There seems no doubt that in many cases where the lesser houses were allowed to remain bribery was resorted to, perhaps backed by the intervention of friends. Payments into the Royal Exchequer were made by a large proportion of the lesser houses which continued unmolested, and among them were a number of nunneries which paid sums ranging from £20 to £400[1093]. Among these was Brusyard in Bedfordshire, a small settlement of nuns of the order of St Clare, the abbess of which wrote to Cromwell seeking his intervention[1094]; she ultimately secured a reprieve and paid the sum of £20[1095]. Alice Fitzherbert, abbess of the nunnery of Polesworth in Warwickshire, to which an exceptionally good character was given, bought a reprieve for £50, on the intervention it is said of friends[1096]. Again the abbess of Delapray, who is characterised as a very sickly and aged woman, secured a reprieve and paid £266. The agent Tregonwell had reported well of Godstow[1097]. Its inmates all bore a good character excepting one who, some thirteen years ago, had broken her vow while living in another convent, had been transferred to Delapray by the bishop of Lincoln and had since lived virtuously. Margaret Tewkesbury the abbess wrote to Cromwell begging him to accept a little fee and to forward the letter she enclosed to the king[1098]. Her convent was allowed to remain.

The attempt of the prioress of Catesby to save her house in a similar manner was fruitless. The house bore an excellent character according to Tregonwell[1099], and his opinion was confirmed by the commissioners who came down later (May, 1536) to take an exact survey. 'We found the house,' they wrote to Cromwell[1100], 'in very perfect order, the prioress a wise, discreet, and religious woman with nine devout nuns under her as good as we have seen. The house stands where it is a relief to the poor, as we hear by divers trustworthy reports. If any religious house is to stand, none is more meet for the king's charity than Catesby. We have not found any such elsewhere....' But the recommendation was insufficient and Joyce Bykeley, 'late prioress,' addressed herself directly to Cromwell.-'Dr Gwent informed you last night,' she wrote[1101], 'that the queen had moved the king for me and offered him 2000 marks for the house at Catesby, but has not yet a perfect answer. I beg you, in my great sorrow, get the king to grant that the house may stand and get me years of payment for the 2000 marks. You shall have 100 marks of me to buy you a gelding and my prayers during my life and all my sisters during their lives. I hope you have not forgotten the report the commissioners sent of me and my sisters....' But her letter was of no avail. Somehow she had incurred the king's displeasure[1102], and the order to dissolve her convent was not countermanded.

The sums paid by some nunneries appear enormous compared with their yearly income. Thus the convent of Pollesloe, with a yearly income of £164, paid the sum of £400 into the Royal Exchequer; Laycock, with an income of £168, paid £300, and the nuns of St Mary at Chester, with an income of £66, paid £160; other sums paid are given by Gasquet[1103].

Among the lesser houses reprieved was St Mary's, Winchester, one of the nunneries dating from the Anglo-Saxon period, but which in course of time had decreased. The report of the commissioners who came down to take stock of the contents of the settlement provides us with many interesting particulars[1104]. The number of persons residing in the monastery at the time was over a hundred. The abbess Elizabeth Shelley presided over a convent of twenty-six nuns, twenty-two of whom were professed and four novices. The nuns are designated in this report by the old term 'mynchyns.' With the exception of one who desired 'capacity,' that is liberty to return to the world, they all declared their intention of going into other houses. Five lay sisters also dwelt there, thirteen women-servants and twenty-six girls, some of whom were the daughters of knights receiving their education. Of the women-servants one belonged to the abbess who lived in a house of her own with her gentlewoman; the prioress, sub-prioress, sexton, and perhaps one other nun, lived in separate houses and each had her servant. There were also a number of priests and other men designated as officers of the household. Among them was a general receiver and his servant, a clerk and his servant, a gardener (curtyar), a caterer, a bottler (botyler?), a cook, an undercook, a baker, a convent cook, an under convent cook, a brewer, a miller, several porters and 'children of the high altar,' and two men enjoying corrodies, that is free quarters and means of subsistence. The yearly income of this vast establishment was assessed at £179, and the house therefore came under the act. But the abbess, Elizabeth Shelley, who is described as a person of spirit and talent, found means to avert the storm. The sum £333 was paid by her into the Royal Exchequer[1105], and (in August 1536) letters patent were obtained by which the abbey was refounded with all its property excepting some valuable manors[1106].

Other convents which at the same time secured a licence to remain[1107] were the Benedictine convent of Chatteris with Anne Seton[1108] as prioress; the Austin convent of Gracedieu in Leicestershire; the convent of the order of St Clare of Dennis; also the nuns of St Andrew's, Marricks in Yorkshire under Christabel Cooper, and of St Mary's, Heyninges, in Lincolnshire under Joan Sandford[1109]. No payment is recorded in connection with any of these houses so far as I have been able to ascertain.

Among the reprieves that of the Austin nuns or White Ladies at Gracedieu is noteworthy, as the report of Cromwell's agents (Feb. 1536) had charged two of its inmates with incontinence, and among other superstitions countenanced by the convent, mentioned their holding in reverence the girdle and part of the tunic of St Francis which were supposed to help women in their confinement[1110]. But the special commissioners a few months later spoke of the prioress Agnes Litherland and her convent of fifteen nuns in the highest terms, describing them as of good and virtuous conversation and living, and saying that all of them desired their house to remain[1111].

The convent of Dennis, which secured a licence at the same time, was one of the few settlements of nuns of St Clare, the abbess of which, Elizabeth Throgmerton, was renowned for her liberal sympathies. In 1528 a wealthy London merchant was imprisoned for distributing Tyndale's books and other practices of the sort, and he pleaded among other reasons for exculpation that, the abbess of Dennis wishing to borrow Tyndale's Enchiridion, he had lent it to her and had spent much money on restoring her house[1112]. Legh in a letter to Cromwell[1113] described how on visiting Dennis he was met by the weeping nuns, who were all ready to return to the world, a statement in direct contradiction to the fact that the house was not dissolved.

The work of dissolution began in April 1536 and continued without interruption throughout the summer. Gasquet holds that the women suffered more than the men by being turned adrift[1114]. 'Many things combined to render the dissolution of conventual establishments and the disbanding of the religious more terrible to nuns than to monks. A woman compelled to exchange the secluded life of a cloister with all its aids to piety for an existence in the world, to which she could never rightly belong, would be obviously in a more dangerous and undesirable position than a man.'

By a provision of the act those who were professed were to receive pensions, but the number of inmates of the lesser houses to whom they were granted was comparatively small[1115]. Moreover pensions were not apportioned with regard to the needs of subsistence, but to the wealth of the house, so that even those who received them were in a great measure thrown on their own resources. The number of professed nuns, as is apparent from the accounts given of St Mary's, Winchester, and other houses, was relatively small compared with the number of servants and dependents. These in some cases received a small 'award' but were thrown out of employment, while the recipients of alms from the house were likewise deprived of their means of living, and went to swell the ranks of those who were dissatisfied with the innovation. While the process of dissolution was going on (July 1536) Chapuys the French ambassador wrote as follows[1116]: 'It is a lamentable thing to see a legion of monks and nuns who have been chased from their monasteries wandering miserably hither and thither seeking means to live; and several honest men have told me that what with monks, nuns, and persons dependent on the monasteries suppressed, there were over 20,000 who knew not how to live.' His estimate may have reference to the ultimate effect of the act[1117]. The immediate results of the suppression were, however, disastrous throughout the country, and the dissatisfaction which the suppression caused went far to rouse the latent discontent of the northern provinces into open rebellion.

It was in Lincolnshire, in October, that the commissioners first met with opposition. From here a rising spread northwards to Scotland, and under the name of the 'Pilgrimage of Grace' drew votaries from the lay and religious classes alike. The insurgents claimed among other things that the innovations in religion should be disowned, and that despoiled monasteries should be restored. They pursued the visitors Layton and Legh with unrelenting hatred on account of their extortions; Legh was in danger of his life and barely escaped their fury[1118]. The rising assumed such proportions that the king was seriously alarmed; an army was sent to the north, strenuous efforts were made to win over the powerful northern barons, and concessions were made and rescinded with much shameful double-dealing. Beyond the effect it had on religious houses, the story of the rebellion, on which a new light has recently been thrown by the publication of letters which passed at the time[1119], does not concern us here. Wherever the insurgents spread they seized on despoiled monasteries and reinstated their superiors and inmates; among other houses the nunnery of Seton in Cumberland was restored for a time[1120]. But in proportion as the king regained his authority, terrible bloodshed followed; the representatives of the chief families and the abbots who had joined in the rising were hanged, burnt, or beheaded, and their property confiscated by attainder. Cromwell, who was still on the high road to prosperity, availed himself of the rebellion to institute a general suppression, which was speedily and summarily carried into effect. In the autumn of 1537, the fear of systematic revolt being quelled, the suppression began and extended over the whole of 1538 and 1539. No further evidence was collected, no act was passed till April 1539, when a provision was made by which all monasteries which were dissolved or surrendered fell to the king[1121]. The commissioners came down on each house in succession, beginning with the less wealthy and influential ones, and used every means to secure a free surrender. Even then a certain reticence in the proceedings was observed which went far to blind contemporaries to the vastness of the ultimate object in view, for every effort was made to keep up the fiction that Henry was doing no more than correcting abuses and accepting free surrenders. But the study of documents proves things to have been otherwise. The promise of a pension was held out on condition of a voluntary surrender, but where hesitation was shown in accepting, the effect of threats of deprivation was tried. The visitor Bedyll wrote that he advised the monks of Charterhouse rather to 'surrender than abide the extremity of the king's law[1122],' and many of the forms of surrender which are extant remain unsigned. On others the name of the superior is the only signature, on others again the names of the superior and the members of the convent are entered in the same hand. Considering the helpless position in which religious houses were placed, it seems a matter for wonder that any opposition was made.

It is interesting to find that as late as (Jan.) 1538, two years after the passing of the first bill, the heads of houses were asked to believe that there was no wish for a general suppression[1123], and that a grant of continuance was made (May 1538) to the nunneries of Kirkless and Nunappleton in Yorkshire[1124]. In Yorkshire there was a strong feeling in favour of nunneries,-'in which our daughters (are) brought up in virtue,' as Aske, one of the leaders of the rebellion, put it[1125], and owing doubtless to the opposition made by the rebels, a number of lesser nunneries in the north which came under the act escaped dissolution. Among them besides Kirkless and Nunappleton were Swine and Nun-Kelyng; there is no evidence that they secured a licence at the time. The fact that Kirkless remained and gained a reprieve in 1538 is the more noticeable as the commissioners had in the first instance reported unfavourably on the state of the house[1126].

In February 1538 a courtier wrote to Lord Lisle[1127], 'the abbeys go down as fast as they may and are surrendered to the king,' adding the pious wish: 'I pray God send you one among them to your part.' For the property of religious houses which were appropriated to the king was now frequently granted to courtiers, or to those who were quick enough to avail themselves of their opportunities in the general scramble.

Several of the agents who had previously conducted visitations were among those who carried on the work of the dissolution. Among them London (? 1543) has been characterised as 'the most terrible of all the monastic spoilers'; his letters remain to show in what spirit he stripped the houses of their property, seized relics and defaced and destroyed everything he could lay hands on[1128]. There is a letter extant which Katherine Bulkeley, abbess of Godstow, wrote to Cromwell complaining of him[1129]. He came down to her house (Nov. 1537), ostensibly to hold a visitation, but really bent on securing a surrender.

'... Dr London, which as your lordship does well know was against my promotion and has ever since borne me great malice and grudge like my mortal enemy, is suddenly come unto me with a great rout with him and here does threaten me and my sisters saying that he has the king's commission to suppress my house in spite of my teeth. And when he saw that I was content that he should do all things according to his commission and showed him plain that I would never surrender to his hand being my ancient enemy, now he begins to entreat me and to inveigle my sisters one by one otherwise than I ever heard tell that any of the king's subjects have been handled, and here tarries and continues to my great cost and charge, and will not take my answer that I will not surrender till I know the king's gracious commandment and your lordship's ...' and more to the same purpose.

London on the following day wrote to Cromwell[1130] asking that the 'mynchyns' or nuns of her house, many of whom were aged and without friends, should be generously dealt with (in the matter of a pension). Stories were current[1131] at the time about insults to which the nuns were exposed by the agents. Although it seems probable that there was no excessive delicacy used in their treatment, no direct complaints except those of the abbess of Godstow have been preserved.

The last pages of the history of several of the great abbeys are full of traits of heroism; one cannot read without sympathy of the way in which for example the abbot of Glastonbury identified himself with the system to which he belonged, and perished with it rather than be divided from it. The staunch faith of the friars no less commands respect. The heads of women's houses naturally made less opposition. However Florence Bannerman, abbess of Amesbury, refused every attempt to bribe or force her into a surrender. After considerable delay she was deposed in December 1539, and was succeeded by Joan Darrell who surrendered the house at the king's bidding[1132], and accepted the comparatively high pension of £100.

To some of the heads of houses it seemed incredible that the old system was passing away for ever, and they surrendered in the belief that their deprivation was only temporary. Elizabeth Shelley, abbess of St Mary's, Winchester, who in 1535 had saved her house, accepted the surrender but continued to dwell at Winchester with a number of her nuns, and when she died bequeathed a silver chalice which she had saved to the college in the city on condition that it should be given back to St Mary's if the convent were restored[1133]. The fact that she succeeded in carrying away a chalice appears exceptional, for the inmates of convents who were expelled seem as a rule to have taken with them nothing except perhaps their books of devotion.

The story of the dissolution repeats itself in every convent. The inventory of the house having been taken, the lead was torn from the roofs, and sold together with the bells; the relics and pictures were packed in sacks and sent up to London to be burnt.

The plate and jewels of the house, the amount of which was considerable in the houses of men and in some of women (for example in Barking) were also forwarded to London to be broken up and melted; in a few instances they were sold. The house's property in furniture, utensils and vestments was sold there and then. The superiors and convent inmates were then turned away, and the buildings that had so long been held in reverence were either devoted to some profane use or else left to decay.

The inventory taken at the dissolution of the ancient Benedictine nunnery of Wherwell in Hampshire has been preserved among others, and shows how such a house was dealt with[1134]. There is a list of the inmates of the convent and of the pensions granted to them; the abbess in this case received a yearly pension of £40, and her nuns' pensions ranged from £3. 6s. 8d. to £6. We then get a list of the dwellings of which the settlement was composed. The houses and buildings 'assigned to remain' were as follows: 'the abbess' lodging with the houses within the quadrant, as the water leads from the east side of the cloister to the gate, the farmery, the mill and millhouse with the slaughter-house adjoining, the brewing and baking houses with the granaries to the same, the barn and stables in the outer court.' The list of dwellings 'deemed to be superfluous' follows. 'The church, choir, and steeple covered with lead, the cloister covered with tiles and certain gutters of lead, the chapter house, the refectory (ffrayter), the dormitory, the convent kitchen and all the old lodgings between the granary and the hall door covered with tiles.' Then follow accounts of the lead and bells remaining, of the jewels, plate and silver 'reserved for the king's use,' and of the ornaments, goods and chattels which were sold. We further gather that the debts of the house were paid and that rewards and wages were given to the chaplain, officers and servants before they were turned away.

As mentioned above the pensions given differed greatly, and the heads of wealthy houses were allowed considerable sums. Thus Elizabeth Souche, abbess of Shaftesbury, the yearly income of which house was taxed at £1166, received £133 a year and all her nuns to the number of fifty-five were pensioned. Dorothy Barley, abbess of Barking, a house taxed at £862, received a yearly pension of £133; while Elizabeth Shelley, abbess of St Mary's, Winchester, received only £26 a year. The prioress of St Andrew's, Marricks, a small house, received £5 annually, and her nuns a pension of from twenty to forty shillings each. Gasquet points out that a large number of those who were pensioned died during the first few years after the surrender[1135]. Probably many of them were old, but there is extant a pension roll of the year 1553 (reign of Philip and Mary) from which can be gathered that a certain number of pensioned monks and nuns were then alive and continued to draw their pensions. Gasquet further remarks that only a few of the nuns who were turned away are known to have married[1136]; considering that hardly any are known to have left their convents voluntarily, and that many of the younger ones were turned away through the act of 1535, this seems only natural.

Eye-witnesses as well as Cromwell's agents have left descriptions which give a striking picture of the brutality of the proceedings[1137]. But the hardships to which the convent inmates were exposed, the terrible waste of their property, and the senseless destruction of priceless art treasures, must not blind us to the fact that the breaking up of the monastic system was but an incident in one of the most momentous revolutions within historic record. The dissolution of the monasteries at the time of the Reformation, to be rightly estimated, must be considered as part of a wider change which was remoulding society on an altered basis.

It is interesting to compare the view taken of monastic life at the time of the dissolution with the attitude taken towards convents in the following period. Some writings, as for example Lindesay in the play of the Three Estates, acted in the North in 1535[1138], severely censure the inclinations which are fostered in the convent.

But strong as the feeling against convents and their inmates was in some instances at the time of the Reformation, when the system was once removed little antagonism remained towards those who had represented it. The thought of the nun, fifty years after she had passed away in England, roused no acrimony. Shakspere had no prejudice against her, and Milton was so far impressed in her favour that he represented 'Melancholy' under the form of a 'pensive nun, devout and pure,-Sober, steadfast and demure.' It was only at a much later period that the agitation raised by the fear of returning 'Popery' caused men to rake up scandals connected with convents and to make bugbears out of them.

The losses incurred by the destruction of the convents were not however slow in making themselves felt; but as indifference towards women's intellectual interests had made part of the movement, a considerable time went by before the loss of the educational possibilities which the convent had secured to women was deplored. 'In the convents,' says Gasquet[1139], 'the female portion of the population found their only teachers, the rich as well as the poor, and the destruction of these religious houses by Henry was the absolute extinction of any systematic education for women during a long period.' While devotion to domestic duties, exclusive of all other interests, continued to be claimed from women, the loss of their schools was a matter of indifference to society in general. But in proportion as shortcomings in women were felt, the thought arose that these might be due to want of training. The words in which the divine, Fuller (? 1661), expressed such thoughts in the 17th century are well worth recalling. The vow of celibacy in his eyes remained a thing of evil, but short of this the convents had not been wholly bad.

'They were good she schools wherein the girls and maids of the neighbourhood were taught to read and work; and sometimes a little Latin was taught them therein. Yea, give me leave to say, if such feminine foundations had still continued, provided no vow were obtruded upon them, (virginity is least kept where it is most constrained,) haply the weaker sex, besides the avoiding modern inconveniences, might be heightened to a higher perfection than hitherto hath been attained[1140].'

§ 2. The Memoir of Charitas Pirckheimer.

A memoir is extant from the pen of the abbess of a convent at Nürnberg. It was written (1524-28) during the stormy period following upon the outbreak of the Lutheran agitation, and it helps us to realize the effect which the rupture with Rome had on a convent of nuns. Charitas Pirckheimer, the author of this memoir, was the sister of Wilibald Pirckheimer (? 1530), a well-known humanist, and through him she was in touch with some of the leading representatives of learning and art of her day. She was well advanced in life and had many years of active influence behind her when the troubles began of which she has left a graphic description.

An examination of the contents of her memoir must stand as a specimen of the effects which the Reformation had on women's convent life on the Continent, effects which varied in almost every town and every province. For the breaking up of the monastic system abroad had none of the continuity and completeness it had in England. The absence of centralised temporal and spiritual authority left the separate townships and principalities free to accept or reject the change of faith as they chose. The towns were ruled by councils on which the decision in the first place depended, and in the principalities the change depended on the attitude of prince and magnate, so that the succession of the prince of a different faith, or the conquest of one province by another, repeatedly led to a change of religion. In some districts the first stormy outbreak was followed by a reaction in favour of Rome, and convents which had disbanded were restored on a narrowed basis; in others the monastic system which had received a severe shock continued prostrate for many years. But even in those districts where the change of faith was permanently accepted, its influence on conventual establishments was so varied that an account of the way in which it put an end to nunneries lies beyond the scope of this work. It must suffice to point out that some convents, chiefly unreformed ones, disbanded or surrendered under the general feeling of restlessness; and that others were attacked and destroyed during the atrocities of the Peasants' War. The heads of others again, with a clearsightedness one cannot but admire, rejected Romish usages and beliefs in favour of the Lutheran faith, and their houses have continued to this day as homes for unmarried women of the aristocracy. Others were suffered to remain under the condition that no new members should be admitted, but that the old ones should be left in possession of their house till they died. To this latter class belonged the convent of St Clara at Nürnberg which we are about to discuss.

The convent dated its existence from the year 1279, in which several nuns from S?flingen, near Ulm, joined a number of religious women who were living together at Nürnberg, and prevailed upon them to adopt the rule of St Clara and place themselves under the guardianship of the Franciscan friars who had settled in Nürnberg in 1226[1141]. It has been mentioned above that the nuns of this order, usually designated as Poor Clares, did not themselves manage that property of theirs which lay outside the precincts; they observed strict seclusion and were chiefly absorbed by devotional pursuits. Under the influence of the movement of monastic reform described in a previous chapter, Clara Gundelfingen (1450-1460), abbess of the house at Nürnberg, had greatly improved its discipline, and nuns were despatched from thence to convents at Brixen, Bamberg and other places to effect similar changes. There was another convent of nuns at Nürnberg dedicated to St Katherine which was under the supervision of the Dominican friars, but the convent of St Clara was the more important one and seems to have been largely recruited from members of wealthy burgher families. In 1476 it secured a bull from the Pope by which its use was altogether reserved to women who were born in Nürnberg.

Charitas Pirckheimer came to live in the house (1478) at the age of twelve. She was one of a family of seven sisters and one brother; all the sisters entered convents, excepting one who married, and they were in time joined by three of the five daughters of their brother[1142]. These facts show that the women of most cultivated and influential families still felt convent life congenial. The Dominican writer Nider (? 1438), speaking of convent life in the districts about Nürnberg, remarks that he had nowhere else found so many virtuous, chaste and industrious virgins[1143]. Of the members of the Pirckheimer family who became nuns, Clara (? 1533) joined her sister Charitas and acted as secretary to her for many years; her letters show her to have been of a lively and sanguine disposition[1144]. Walpurg, another sister, lived as a nun in the convent of St Clara at Münich; Katharina became prioress at Geisenfeld, and Sabina and Euphemia entered the ancient Benedictine settlement of Bergen near Neuburg, of which they successively became abbesses. Sabina (1521-29), like her sister Charitas, was a great admirer of Albrecht Dürer, whom she consulted on the subject of illuminations done at her house[1145]. A number of her letters remain to show that she held opinions of her own on some points of doctrine and watched the progress of affairs at Nürnberg with interest[1146]. Her sister Euphemia (1529-47), who succeeded her, experienced even greater hardships than Charitas, for when Palgrave, Otto Heinrich of Neuburg, accepted the Protestant faith (1544), she and her nuns were expelled from their convent, and spent several years staying first at one place then at another, till the victory which the emperor Karl V won at Mühlberg (1547) made it possible for them to return to Bergen.

Charitas on entering the house at Nürnberg found herself among the daughters of family friends and relations. She contracted a lasting friendship with Apollonia Tucher, who was afterwards elected to the office of prioress, which she held for many years. Apollonia was nearly related to Anton Tucher (? 1524), one of the wealthiest and most influential men of the town, and to Sixtus Tucher (? 1507), a learned divine who was made provost of the church of St Lorenz, and in this capacity instructed the nuns of St Clara and provided them with religious literature. Scheurl (? 1542), a nephew of Apollonia and a distinguished jurist, who came to settle at Nürnberg, greatly admired Charitas. We shall return to him later on.

Felicitas Grundherrin, another nun, who was made portress in 1503, wrote letters to her father which throw an additional light on the conduct and the experiences of the nuns during the period of religious contention. There were sixty inmates at that time, and among them we find the chief families of the town represented.

We are not informed at what age Charitas made profession. In 1494 she was joined by her sister Clara, and a few years later, when we first hear of her and her sister in connection with their brother, she was engaged in teaching the novices.

The career of Wilibald Pirckheimer, a man of considerable literary ability, is interesting, as it forms the centre of the intellectual and artistic life of Nürnberg, which at that time was achieving some of its greatest triumphs. The friend of Albrecht Dürer and of the leading humanists, he was himself full of enthusiasm for the revived interest in classic culture, and filled with that liberal appreciation of merit regardless of origin and nationality which is one of the attractive traits of the movement. In compliance with the taste of his age he had studied in Italy, and shortly after his return to Nürnberg, on the occasion of their father's death (1501), he lent his sisters, Charitas and Clara, a copy of the hymns of the Christian poet Prudentius, and an unnamed portion of Jerome's works, for their comfort and perusal; Charitas thanked him for the loan in a Latin letter in which we get our first glimpse of her[1147]. She says that she has been interested to find among the hymns some which are habitually sung in the choir and the authorship of which was unknown to her, and she begs she may keep Jerome's writings for some time longer, as they afford her so much delight. She refers to the frequent loans of books from her brother and assures him how much she depends on him for her education, begging him to visit and further instruct her. She has some knowledge of scripture, she says, but barely enough to instruct the novices.

In the year 1487 Celtes (? 1508), a celebrated Latin scholar and poet, was crowned poet laureate by the Emperor Friedrich III at Nürnberg, and received at his hands the doctor's degree and a laurel wreath. Afterwards he travelled about in Germany, rousing interest in the revival of classical studies wherever he went, and encouraging those who were interested in learning to band together in societies (sodalitates) for the purpose of editing and publishing the classics. During a stay at a monastery in Regensburg (1501) he had come across the forgotten dramas of the nun Hrotsvith. They seemed to him so worthy of attention that he had them published at Nürnberg in a beautiful illustrated edition. We do not know if he was previously acquainted with Charitas; but he sent her a copy of the dramas, and she wrote a grateful reply[1148]. She begins by deploring the news she has heard that Celtes has been attacked and plundered by robbers. 'A few days ago,' she writes, 'I received the interesting writings of the learned virgin Hrotsvith, sent to me by you for no merits of my own, for which I express and owe you eternal gratitude. I rejoice that He who bestows powers of mind (largitor ingenii) and grants wisdom to men who are great and learned in the law, should not have denied to the frail and humbler sex some of the crumbs from the tables of wisdom. In this learned virgin the words of the apostle are verified that God chooses the humble to confound the strong....'

Celtes was charmed by this letter, and was inspired to compose a Latin ode[1149] in praise of Charitas. In it he addressed her as the crown and star of womanhood, praised her for her knowledge of Latin, in which she worthily followed in the steps of a learned father and a learned brother, and enlarged on the pleasure her letter had brought. With the ode he sent a copy of a work on the city of Nürnberg lately published by him, and Charitas in reply sent a long letter which is most instructive in regard to the light it throws on her general attitude towards humanist culture[1150]. While delighted by the gifts and the attentions of so distinguished a man as Celtes, she felt critical towards the heathen element in him, which seemed to her incompatible with the claims of a higher morality. The letter is too long to reproduce in full, but the following are some of its most noteworthy passages. 'I am your unworthy pupil, but a great admirer of yours and a well-wisher for your salvation, and as such I would earnestly and with all my heart entreat you not indeed to give up the pursuit of worldly wisdom, but to put it to higher uses, that is to pass from heathen writings to holy scripture, from what is earthly to what is divine, from the created to the Creator.... Indeed neither knowledge nor any subject of investigation which is from God is to be contemned, but mystic theology and a good virtuous life must be ranked highest. For human understanding is weak and may fail us, but true faith and a good conscience never can. I therefore put before you, most learned doctor, when you have enquired into all under the sun, that the wisest of men said, Vanity of vanities.... In the same friendly spirit I would beg you to give up celebrating the unseemly tales of Jupiter, Venus, Diana, and other heathen beings whose souls are burning in Gehenna and who are condemned by right-minded men as detestable and deserving of oblivion; make the saints of God your friends by honouring their names and their memory, that they may guide you to the eternal home when you leave this earth.'

At the end of her letter she begged to be excused writing in this strain in words which suggest that her brother had urged her to speak out her mind, and a further letter of hers addressed to Wilibald says that she is forwarding to him a copy of her letter to Celtes[1151]. She begs he will not bring him to the grating without sending her word previously, and expresses the belief that Celtes will not take umbrage.

We hear no more of their intercourse. Celtes soon afterwards left Nürnberg, and when Helena Meichnerin, abbess of the convent, resigned on account of some complaints of the town council, Charitas was chosen abbess (1503). Her acceptance of the post was made conditional by the Franciscan friars on her giving up her Latin correspondence[1152], and there can be no doubt that this prohibition was primarily aimed at her intercourse with men like Celtes, who was known to be very lax in his morality, and whose sympathies in regard to learning were in direct opposition to the narrow religious views of the friars. Charitas conformed, but Wilibald's anger was roused, and he wrote to Celtes: 'You know that my sister Charitas has been chosen abbess. Imagine, those soft-footed men (χυλ?ποδε?) have forbidden her to write Latin for the future. Observe their caution, not to say roguery[1153].'

Charitas apparently wrote no more Latin letters, but her brother's friends continued to take an interest in her. Wilibald had a sincere regard for her abilities and frequently wrote of her to his friends. Other members of the humanist circle sought her out. Scheurl, the young jurist mentioned above, sent her from Bologna a copy of his 'Uses of the mass' (Utilitates missae) with a flattering letter which was presented to her by the provost Tucher (1506)[1154]. It is overflowing with youthful enthusiasm, and says that of all the women he has met there are only two who are distinguished by abilities and intellect, knowledge and wealth, virtue and beauty, and are comparable to the daughters of Laelius and Hortensius and to Cornelia, mother of the Gracchi; the one is Cassandra (Fedele, poetess[1155]) in Venice, the other is Charitas in Nürnberg. He expatiates on the merits of the Pirckheimer family generally, and says Charitas is following the example of her relatives in preferring a book to wool, a pen to the distaff, a stilus to a needle. At a later stage of his career (1515) Scheurl wrote that it was usual for men who were distinguished in mind and power to admire and respect the abilities, learning and moral excellence of this abbess[1156].

In 1513 Wilibald published an edition of Plutarch's essay 'On retribution' which he had translated from Greek into Latin, and dedicated it to his sister Charitas in a long and flattering epistle[1157]. Mindful no doubt of the influences about her and referring to difficulties in his own career, he spoke in the highest terms of the Stoic philosophers and of the help their writings afforded. 'Accept this gift on paper which, if I judge rightly, will not be displeasing to you,' he says, 'and carefully peruse the writings of this pagan author (gentilis). And you will soon see that the philosophers of antiquity did not stray far from the truth.' Charitas was able to appreciate this point of view and admitted in her reply that he had sent her a jewel more precious than gold and silver[1158]. Speaking of Plutarch she confessed that 'he writes not like an unbelieving heathen but like a learned divine and imitator of Christian perfection. It is a wonderful circumstance which has filled me with joy and surprise.' But she thought her brother's praise of her excessive. 'I am not learned myself, only the friend of those who are learned; I am no writer, I only enjoy reading the writings of others; I am unworthy of so precious a gift, though in truth you have done well and wisely in placing the word Charitas at the head of your work. For Charity is the virtue which makes all good things to be shared, and that Charity which is the Divine Spirit itself will reward you here and in the life to come, where honest efforts will be fully requited.'

A short time afterwards Pirckheimer dedicated to his sister Clara, who was now teaching the novices, a 'Collection of the Moral Sentences of Nilus.' It was a translation from Greek and Latin, and the title was ornamented with a design by Dürer[1159]. He sent it 'to prevent her feeling any jealousy of her sister.' Clara shared her sister's tastes and was herself an ardent reader. When the New Testament edited by Erasmus appeared, Pirckheimer wrote to him that his sisters, who zealously read his writings, took great delight in this book also, and he says that they had greater insight into it than many men who were proud of their learning. They would have written themselves, he adds, if they had not felt shy of so great a man. Erasmus on one occasion compared the daughters of Sir Thomas More to the sisters of Wilibald Pirckheimer. Some writings of the humanist Reuchlin were also perused by them[1160].

Wilibald further dedicated to Charitas his edition of the works of Fulgentius (1519), in a long preface in which he describes the difficulty he had had in procuring the manuscript from the library of his friend Tritheim, how he had despaired of deciphering it till the learned Cochlaeus came to his rescue, and how sure he felt that his sister would look upon the book as a treasure[1161]. The translation of the sermons of Gregorius Nazianzenus, an important undertaking, he also accomplished mainly for the use of his sisters[1162].

Besides their devotional and intellectual interests, the nuns at St Clara made their own clothes, and seem to have had some ability in sewing, for when the imperial robes which were kept at Nürnberg were to be carried to Aachen for the coronation of the Emperor Karl V, they were first given into the hands of the nuns to be looked over and mended[1163].

An interesting light is thrown on the less serious side of the character of Charitas by an amusing German letter which she wrote to Dürer and two envoys of Nürnberg who were staying at Augsburg in 1518 on the occasion of the Imperial Diet. From there they had sent her a missive penned in a jovial hour, and Charitas in reply wrote[1164]: 'I received your friendly letter with special delight and read it with such attention that my eyes were often brim full, but more from laughing than any other emotion. Many thanks to you that in spite of your great business and your amusements you should have taken the trouble to give directions to this little nun about cloister-life, of which you have a clear mirror before you at present....' And she begs the envoy Spengler to study accounts with a view to advising her how to waste everything till nothing remains, and begs Dürer, 'who is such a draughtsman and genius,' to give his attention to the buildings, so that when she has the choir rebuilt he may help and advise her how to introduce larger windows so that the nuns' eyes may be less dim.

From these various notices we conclude that time passed not unpleasantly or unprofitably with the abbess of St Clara before those contentions began which followed upon the attack made on the established religion by Luther. In Nürnberg, as in most other cities, the feeling was general that the life of the prelacy was degenerate and that the Papacy was a hotbed of abuse. Luther's opposition to the Pope was therefore greeted with acclamation both by the enlightened men of the town, who felt that the tyranny of the Church was a stumblingblock in the way of progress, and by the people, who readily seized the idea that the means were now given them to break through class tyranny. Wilibald Pirckheimer was among those who without hesitation sided with the Lutheran agitation, but Charitas thought otherwise. The abbess of the convent of St Clara at Eger forwarded to her some of the fierce attacks on Luther from the pen of Emser (? 1527), and Charitas was so delighted with them that she had them read out aloud to the nuns during meals, and was prompted to write a letter to their author[1165].

This letter became a source of great annoyance to her. It fell into the hands of Emser's enemies, and was published with an abusive running comment on Charitas[1166]. Even Wilibald was annoyed and declared she would have done better not to have written it. He strongly supported the Lutheran agitation at the time, and Eck, who suspected him of having written the attack on himself, entitled 'Eccius Dedolatus,' for personal reasons inscribed Wilibald's name on the Papal ban. There is extant from Wilibald's pen a fragment in which he expresses doubts as to the rightfulness of convent life generally[1167], but he gradually modified his views. The violence and narrowness of the representatives of the party of progress in Nürnberg were little to his taste. On the plea of ill-health he withdrew from the council, and took no part in the stormy discussions of 1523, when the rupture with Rome was declared complete and decisions arrived at, momentous for the future of the new faith not only in Nürnberg, but in Germany generally.

At this juncture the memoir of Charitas[1168] begins. She describes the effect of the Lutheran teaching; how ceremonies are being abolished, rules and vows declared vain, so that many monks and nuns are leaving their cloisters, putting off convent garb and marrying and otherwise doing as they choose.

'These various reasons brought us many troubles and difficulties,' she writes (p. 2), 'for many powerful and evil-minded persons came to see the friends they had in our cloister, and argued with them and told them of the new teaching, how the religious profession was a thing of evil and temptation in which it was not possible to keep holy, and that we were all of the devil. Some would take their children, sisters and relatives out of the cloister by force and by the help of admonitions and promises of which they doubtless would not have kept half. This arguing and disputing went on for a long time and was often accompanied by great anger and abuse. But since none of the nuns by God's grace was moved to go, the fault was laid on the Franciscans, and everyone said they encouraged us, so that it would be impossible to convince us of the new belief while we had them as preachers and confessors.'

The friars had long been odious for their determined class feeling, religious intolerance, and encouragement of superstitions; it was obvious that the advocates of change would direct their attacks against them. Charitas, fully aware of the emergency, assembled the nuns and put before them the danger of being given over to 'wild priests and apostate monks,' and with their consent decided to hand in a 'supplication' to the town council. This council was presided over by three leading men (triumviri), of whom one named Nützel was the so-called representative (pfleger) of the convent, another named Ebner had a daughter among the nuns, and the third, Geuder, was the brother-in-law of Charitas. She consulted Wilibald on the matter of the supplication, but forthwith wrote and despatched a letter to each of these three men, begging and claiming the protection of her privileges.

The supplication itself (p. 12) was carefully worded, and requested that the connection between the Franciscans and the nuns might not be severed, contradicting the charges which were brought against the former. They do not forbid the nuns to read the Evangels and other books, Charitas says,-'if they did so we should not obey them.' The nuns have the Old and the New Testament in daily use in the German and the Latin versions. Charitas denies despising the married state or retaining nuns by force. 'But as we compel no one, so too we claim not to be compelled, and to remain free in mind as well as in body. But this cannot be if we are given over to strange priests, which would be destruction to our community ...,' and more to a like purpose.

The supplication was handed in at the beginning of 1524, but after considerable delay the councillors postponed giving a definite reply to it. In the meantime Charitas was much annoyed by the mother of one of her nuns who tried to persuade her daughter to leave the convent, and finding her words of no avail, appealed to the town council (p. 19) for an order to take her 'out of this prison' as she called it, into which she had sent her nine years before at the age of fourteen. Charitas also sent in a statement of the case (p. 28), but again no reply was vouchsafed her.

The letters which Clara wrote to her brother about this time help us to realise the situation. All her letters are undated, but in one she thanks Wilibald for his advice about the supplication, and says that if divine service should really be abolished she means to devote herself more to reading, for 'the dear beloved old writers surely were no fools[1169].' In another she thanks him for the loan of books and says a work of Erasmus (probably De libero arbitrio) has pleased the sisters by its moderation. As to Charitas 'she finds great comfort in her beloved old Cyprian, in whose writings she reads day and night. She sends greetings and the message that she prefers Cyprian to all these new evangelists who strut about in cut garments and golden chains[1170].'

Though Clara did not lose her cheerfulness, Charitas, who saw further, was full of apprehension. From what her sister says she regretted the severe tone of her letter to Geuder[1171]. On other occasions also she was led to indignant utterances which she afterwards regretted[1172].

A gap occurs at this period in her memoir which she resumed writing in March 1525, after the religious disputation had taken place at Nürnberg. After many stormy scenes, 'the preachers of the Evangel,' as they called themselves, decided to carry out their intentions without waiting for the decision of a Church Council. The immediate result of the decision was an attack on all religious houses. But in the convent of St Clara the determined and reckless energy of the reformers was matched by indignant protest and unyielding opposition on the part of the abbess.

Charitas has described in full (p. 33) how a deputation from the town council asked to be admitted into her house, and how they informed her and the assembled nuns that their connection with the Franciscans was at an end; a 'reformed' preacher had been appointed to preach in the church of the nuns, and they were left the choice among several men who would act to them as confessors. Much argument followed, but Charitas maintained that her house and the Franciscans had always been closely connected. 'If we yield it is only to force and we turn to God,' she said, 'and before Him we lodge a protest and declare that we are forced against our will, and that we reject and discountenance all your proposals.' The assembled nuns rose to their feet to shew their approval of her speech, and the deputation in vain tried the effect of persuasion. Charitas scorned the idea of having anything to do with apostate monks; and the deputation retired after blaming the women for behaving in a most ungrateful manner. A second visit led to similar results; Charitas abode by her decision, the nuns wept, and the deputation retired after venting their indignation in threats.

The hopes of the convent now centred in Nützel, their representative in the town council, and Charitas with her brother's approval wrote to him (p. 41) begging him to come to her. But the first words Nützel spoke dispelled every hope of assistance from that quarter; he blamed the nuns for opposing the council, and urged the advisability of their giving way. Charitas was most indignant and declared she was well aware that it was intended to force them to this new belief, but that they were agreed that neither in life nor in death would they listen to what the Church had not previously countenanced. She called upon the prioress to read out a second petition to the council asking to have their father confessor back or else to be left without one. She wanted Nützel to take charge of this petition, but he was only angered, and taking Charitas aside, represented to her that her opposition was a serious matter; her example was encouraging other women's convents to opposition, which would relent if she did. He said that by resigning and disbanding the convent bloodshed would be averted, and he spoke in praise of the new preacher. But Charitas remained unmoved. As he was leaving the house his daughter and the other nuns, whose fathers were members of the town council, went down on their knees to him imploring protection. He refused to listen, but was so far impressed that he never slept all the following night, as his wife afterwards told the nuns (p. 54).

The convent's opposition to their plans was a source not only of annoyance but of apprehension to the town authorities. The peasants' rising was spreading in the direction of Nürnberg, and as popular feeling was against religious houses the argument that dissolving the house might help to avert a danger was not altogether unfounded. Nützel in a long expostulation (p. 55) shortly afterwards tried to impress this view on the abbess, but Charitas urged (p. 59) that other reasons besides hatred of the friars had roused the peasants to rebellion, and complained that the ill-feeling against her house was largely due to the reformed preachers, who declared they would not rest till they had driven monks and nuns out of the town (p. 62). Rightly or wrongly she held that Poliander, the reformed preacher who was now preaching in the convent church, had been promised a reward if he persuaded her or her nuns to leave the convent (p. 67), and that his want of success aggravated his hatred of them. It was in vain that Nützel wrote in praise of him (p. 67). Charitas now looked upon Nützel as a dangerous enemy, and her sister Clara wrote to Wilibald[1173] begging him to advise the convent how to get rid of the man. In another letter[1174] she said that Charitas was seriously afraid of him.

In place of the Franciscans a number of reformed preachers now preached before the nuns and the people in the convent church. Among them was Osiander, formerly a Carthusian, whose violence at a later period was censured and resented by his Protestant brethren; and the nuns were obliged to attend and to listen to a torrent of abuse and imprecation by him and others. 'I cannot and will not detail,' says Charitas in her memoir (p. 70), 'how they perverted Holy Writ to a strange meaning, how they cast down the doctrines of the Church and discarded all ceremonies; how they abused and reviled all religious orders and classes, and respected neither Pope nor Emperor, whom they openly called tyrant, devil, and Antichrist; how roughly and in what an unchristian-like spirit and against all brotherly love they abused us and charged us with great wickedness, for the purpose of rousing the people, whom they persuaded that an ungodly set like ourselves should be destroyed, our cloister broken open, ourselves dragged out by force, since we represented a despicable class, heretics, idolatrous and blasphemous people, who were eternally of the devil.'

One might be tempted to look upon this description as an exaggeration were it not for a letter from Wilibald Pirckheimer to Melanchthon, in which he describes the outrages to which the nuns were exposed in similar terms. 'The preachers scream, swear, and storm, and do everything in their power to rouse the hatred of the masses against the poor nuns; they openly say that as words were of no avail, recourse should be had to force,' and he wonders the cloister has not yet been attacked[1175].

Under the pressure of popular opinion and increasing restlessness the Austin monks gave over their house, and they were followed by the Carmelites, the Benedictines, and the Carthusians. The Dominicans hesitated; the Franciscans refused to go. Charitas expresses wonder that the 'spiritual poison,' as she calls it, which the preachers several times a week tried to infuse into the nuns, took no effect, and that none of them expressed a desire to leave the convent (p. 85).

Things had now come to such a pass that convents outside the city disbanded before the peasants' rising; and nuns from Pillenreuth and Engelthal sought refuge in the town with the nuns of St Clara (p. 86). These lived in daily fear of their house being stormed, for the people shouted and swore at them from below, threw stones into the choir, smashed the church windows, and sang insulting songs in the churchyard outside. But the nuns, nothing daunted, continued to keep the hours and to ring the bells, though they were every moment prepared for the worst. Clara in a letter to Wilibald described her own and her sister's fears in eloquent terms[1176]; and the nun Felicitas Grundherrin wrote to her father entreating him to abide by the old faith[1177]. In these days the nuns seem to have read a good deal of pamphlet literature, but they failed to see anything beyond an encouragement to violence and disorder in the whole Lutheran movement.

A further attempt was made by the council to coerce the convent. A number of injunctions were sent to the abbess which were to be carried out within a month (p. 88). The first of these commanded her to absolve the nuns from their vow that they might enjoy 'Christian freedom'; another that she should send the young nuns home though they refused, 'since children should obey their parents.' The deputies who laid these injunctions before the abbess assured her that the council was prepared to restore to the nuns what they had brought to the convent; that they would give money to those who had brought nothing, and provide a dower for those who married. To these arguments Charitas replied that the nuns had made a vow not before her but before God, that it was not in her power to dispense them from it and that she would not urge them to disobedience. With a touch of bitterness she added that their mothers were continually at the convent grating urging them to go (p. 87). For the matrons of the town especially sided with the reformed preachers and cried shame on convent life. 'If it were not for the women and the preachers things would not be so bad,' Clara wrote on one occasion to Wilibald[1178], and on another she spoke of the sharp tongues and violent behaviour of the women.

The deputation further claimed that the nuns should take off their convent clothes (p. 93), the sight of which they said gave umbrage. 'We are continually told,' Charitas replied, 'that our vows and our clothes threaten to cause a rising, but it is your preachers, to whom we are forced to listen, who try to provoke one by abusing and condemning us from the pulpit and charging us with vices and impurity to humour the people.' The command was also given to do away with the convent grating; and it was backed by the threat that if Charitas failed to comply with it the town authorities would throw open the house to all visitors. The heaviness of this blow was such that after the deputation had left Charitas summoned the nuns and asked their intentions severally. In the eyes of the whole convent throwing open the house involved turning it into a public resort of bad character. They felt they must yield or leave the house altogether, but they promised to abide by the decision of Charitas if she would stay and advise them. The intrepid abbess decided to do away with the grating at one window, declaring that they acted against the rule under protest and only temporarily. On the other points she sought the advice of learned men outside, but they advised compromise, for, to give her own words (p. 95), 'they said all chance was gone of gaining anything by opposition; we must yield if we did not want the house to go to ruin. People now did things by main force regardless of justice or equity, fearful neither of Pope nor Emperor, nor even of God except in word; things were such that these people said, What we will must be done, thus and not otherwise, declaring themselves more powerful than the Pope himself.'

In the meantime the feelings against the nunnery were by no means unanimous. Geuder, the brother-in-law of Charitas, was emphatic at the council meeting in denouncing the throwing open of convents, which in his eyes also meant turning them into disreputable houses[1179]. But no amount of opposition made by him and others could prevent a scene from being enacted in the convent chapel, which was afterwards looked upon as disgraceful, not only by those who provoked it, but by outsiders whether partisans of the Lutheran movement or not. The repeated attempts to persuade the nuns to leave having failed and Charitas refusing to bid them go, two of the chief councillors, one of them Nützel, the representative of the convent's interests, and the widow of a councillor who had long clamoured for her daughter's release, repaired to the convent with a number of other persons, claimed to be admitted, and declared they had come to fetch their daughters away. The three nuns, who were between nineteen and twenty-three years of age, tried to hide, but Charitas bade them come forth, and they then sought refuge with her in the convent chapel. She has described in full how the young women besought her to protect them, how their parents and others abused and reviled them, and how in spite of their protests, their indignation and their tears, their relations at last resorted to violence. Four persons seized each nun and dragged and pushed her out of the chapel, while the women present shouted approval, and once outside their convent clothes were torn off and others substituted in their stead. After a scuffle and a scramble in which one nun was knocked over and her foot injured, they were carried to a chariot waiting outside and conveyed away.

Charitas remained behind in grief and despair. 'I and all my nuns are so distressed at all this,' she wrote a few days later[1180], 'that I have almost wept out my eyes.... Nothing ever so went to my heart.' Indignation at the violence of the act became general in the town and spread beyond its confines. 'I never could have imagined women acting in such a cruel manner,' Sabina, the abbess of Bergen, wrote to Wilibald; and in another letter, apprehending the destruction of the convent at Nürnberg, she proposed that Charitas and her nuns should seek refuge with her[1181].

But Charitas persisted in holding her ground, though with an aching heart. When the men who had fetched away their daughters sent word offering to pay for their maintenance during the time they had lived with her, she refused. Her trials in one direction had reached their climax,-the councillor Nützel, who admitted that things had gone too far, henceforth acted in a conciliatory spirit, and some approximation took place between them. Not that he ever tired of urging Charitas to desert her convent and her cause, but he now confined himself to persuasion and argument, and when one of the young nuns who had been carried off was so far reconciled to the world that she came to the convent window and urged her step-sister to return home, pretending that Nützel had sent her (p. 123), the councillor disclaimed having done so. His correspondence with Charitas, which she has faithfully inserted in her memoir, shows that she patiently listened to every argument in favour of the new doctrines. She had a conversation with the preacher Osiander which lasted four hours (p. 128), she listened to over a hundred sermons preached by the Lutherans, and she read their writings, yet she could find nothing to her taste and it seemed easy to her to confound their arguments. Her letters show that her unhappiness was great, for on one occasion she went so far as to put before Nützel (p. 122) what the result would be if women like themselves, many of whom were over sixty and several over seventy, returned to the world and tried to earn their living, as everyone said they ought to do. She declared she detained no one, the nuns were at liberty to go if they chose; everyone was giving her advice, she said, but she saw no salvation in the new doctrines, which did not appeal to her. Her readiness to listen to argument caused Nützel to set his hopes on a conference between Melanchthon and her (p. 133), and probably at the instigation of Wilibald, who was deeply grieved at the injustice done to his sisters without being able to give them direct help, Melanchthon, who was well known for his uprightness and conciliatory influence, came to Nürnberg towards the close of the year 1525. 'I am glad to hear Melanchthon is coming,' Charitas wrote; 'since I have heard he is an irreproachable, upright and justice-loving man, I do not suppose he can approve of what has been done here.'

Nützel at once (p. 149) brought him to the convent. 'A few days later our representative came with Philip Melanchthon,' Charitas wrote, 'who spoke much about the new faith, but finding that we set our hopes more on the grace of God than on our works, he said we might as well seek our salvation in the cloister as in the world.' They had a long talk together and agreed on all points except on the subject of vows, for these the reformer declared were not binding, while Charitas maintained that a promise made to God must be kept. She describes Melanchthon as more moderate in his speech than she had ever known a Lutheran to be. Melanchthon, on hearing the various points of the case, blamed the councillors for having forbidden the Franciscans to confer with the convent, and for forcibly taking the nuns out of the cloister. 'I trust God has sent this Lutheran at the right hour,' Charitas wrote, 'for they were discussing whether or not to expel nuns generally, pull down their houses, and put the older inmates of those convents which would not surrender into one house, driving back the younger ones into the world' (p. 171).

According to her account Melanchthon represented to the council that no convent at Wittenberg had been destroyed by force, and after a great deal of argument it was decreed to make one more effort to persuade the nuns to go, and failing this to leave them alone. No concessions were made with regard to the friars, the nuns remained without a minister to take their confessions and to administer the sacrament, but after all the nuns had been severally asked if they wished to stay or to go, and only one declared herself ready to leave the house, the rest were left in possession till the end of their days.

With the account of the last visitation, which took place in 1528, the memoir of Charitas ends. From other sources we hear that short of annoyances about her income and a tax levied on the convent she remained unmolested, and passed the last few years of her life in peace. At the close of 1528, the fiftieth anniversary of her entering the convent, and the twenty-fifth year of her appointment as abbess, was celebrated with some amount of cheerfulness. Wilibald and others sent presents, and after dinner the nuns danced to the sound of the dulcimer (hackbrett), which the abbess played[1182]. Wilibald's interest in the convent continued, and towards the close of his life we find him busy writing a pamphlet in justification of the nuns[1183], in which he developed at some length the arguments against those who had oppressed and coerced them. He died in 1530, and within a couple of years was followed by his sister Charitas (1533). Her sister Clara ruled the convent for a few months after her and was succeeded by Wilibald's daughter Charitas. The number of nuns was slowly but steadily dwindling; before the close of the century the house had fallen into the hands of the town council by default.

The abbess Charitas Pirckheimer worthily represents the monastic life of women at the close of the Middle Ages. Faithful to the system she had embraced, she remained true to her convictions to the last, with a fearlessness, candour, and determination which give her attitude a touch of heroism. She is one among many staunch adherents to the old faith who experienced hardships which simple humanity and feelings of equity and justice alike condemned, but whose steadfastness could not save their cause from being lost.

* * *

CONCLUSION.

My task has drawn to its close. In a series of chapters, incompletely no doubt but I trust not superficially, the position of woman under monasticism has been brought before the reader, and some account has been given of the various aspects of convent life. In conclusion it seems well to pause and look back over the ground traversed, to take in at a glance what Catholic tradition, convent-life and saint-lore have done for women in the past. The area over which the reader has been taken is a wide one, and the ground in many directions remains unexplored. Still some of the most prominent landmarks have been noted, and some districts carefully examined. Thus while further information might be sought concerning many special points, it still seems legitimate to form a general survey and to draw certain conclusions.

Turning back to the earliest period when Christianity with its new conceptions first came into contact with beliefs dating from a distant heathen era, we have seen how many sentiments and associations of ideas peculiar to pre-Christian times lived on and were absorbed into the new religion. The early representatives of Christianity, with a keen-sighted appreciation of the means by which a change of religion is most successfully effected, treated the older conceptions with tolerance, and by doing so made possible the establishment of new ideas in the old heathen setting. The legends and the cult of the saints contain a mine of wealth as yet little explored by the student of primitive civilization and folk-lore, a mine which has here been tapped at one vein only,-namely for the information it yields on the antiquity of beliefs which attach to certain women who are reckoned among the saints.

Passing from the ground of tradition to that of history we have seen how the convent was looked upon with favour by women of the newly converted barbarian races, and how readily they availed themselves of the protection which the Christian religion held out to them. This development also needed to be studied side by side with previous social conditions in order to stand out in its true light, and it gained a new meaning when considered in connection with the elements of older folk tradition which it absorbed. The representatives of Christianity, profiting by a surviving love of independence among womankind, turned the energies of women into new channels, and giving scope to their activity in new directions, secured their help in the cause of peaceful progress. The outward conditions of life were such that the woman who joined the convent made her decision once for all. But provided she agreed to forego the claims of family and sex, an honourable independence was secured to her, and she was brought into contact with the highest aims of her age. At a period when monasteries, placed in the remote and uncultivated districts, radiated peace and civilization throughout the neighbourhood, many women devoted themselves to managing settlements which in the standard they attained, vied in excellence with the settlements managed by men.

At the outset many married women left their husbands for the purpose of founding and governing convents; sometimes they founded convents the management of which they left to others, and themselves retired to them later in life. The prestige and advantages enjoyed by the heads of religious settlements were such that kings and queens frequently installed their daughters as abbesses in preference to seeking for them matrimonial alliances, and these princesses were joined by many daughters of the most influential families, who gladly availed themselves of the opportunity of embracing the religious vocation. Through their close contact with high-born women, convents maintained a high tone in manners, morals and general behaviour, and grew into important educational centres, the beneficent influence of which was generally recognised.

The career open to the inmates of convents both in England and on the continent was greater than any other ever thrown open to women in the course of modern European history; abilities might raise the nun to the rank of abbess, a position of substantial authority. In the Kentish charter, to which reference has been made, the names of the abbesses as representatives of religion follow those of the bishops. In Saxony it fell to an abbess to act as representative of the emperor during his absence. As independent landowners, who held their property of and from king and emperor, the abbess took rank with the lords temporal and spiritual in the right of jurisdiction which they exercised, and in the right of being represented in Parliament or at the Imperial Diet as the case might be.

While fulfilling the duties which devolved on them in virtue of their station, abbesses did not neglect their opportunities of keeping in touch with culture and of widening their mental horizon. In Anglo-Saxon England men who attained to distinction received their training in settlements governed by women. Histories and a chronicle of unique value were inspired by and drafted under the auspices of Saxon abbesses. For nuns Ealdhelm wrote his most famous treatises, and several valuable contemporary biographies, such as those of Sturmi and of Robert of Fontevraud, were written at the express desire of nuns. And while eager in encouraging productiveness in others, they were not slow in trying to develop their own literary powers. In the 6th century Radegund was writing epistles in verse under the tuition of an exiled Latin poet; to an Anglo-Saxon nun whose name is not recorded we owe one of the earliest and most interesting accounts extant of a journey to Palestine. In the 8th century the nun Lioba was trying her hand at Latin verse in a convent in Thanet; in the 10th century the nun Hrotsvith in Saxony was composing Latin dramas on the model of Terence. The contributions of nuns to literature as well as incidental remarks show that the curriculum of study in the nunnery was as liberal as that accepted by monks, and embraced all available writing, whether by Christian or profane authors. While Scripture and the writings of the Fathers of the Church at all times formed the groundwork of monastic studies, Cicero at this period was read by the side of Boethius, Virgil by the side of Martianus Capella, Terence by the side of Isidor of Sevilla. From remarks made by Hrotsvith we see that the coarseness of the later Latin dramatists made no reason for their being forbidden to nuns, though she would have seen it otherwise; and Herrad was so far impressed by the wisdom of the heathen philosophers of antiquity that she pronounced this wisdom to be the 'product of the Holy Spirit also.' Throughout the literary world as represented by convents, the use of Latin was general, and made possible the even spread of culture in districts that were widely remote from each other and practically without intercourse.

The educational influence of convents during centuries cannot be rated too highly. Not only did their inmates attain considerable knowledge, but education in a nunnery, as we saw from the remarks of Chaucer and others, secured an improved standing to those who were not professed. The fact that a considerable number of women's houses after the monastic revival of the 11th and 12th centuries were founded largely at the instigation of men, proves that the usefulness of these institutions was generally recognised.

While devoted to reading and study which pre-eminently constituted the religious vocation, nuns during their leisure hours cultivated art in several of its branches. Spinning and weaving were necessarily practised in all settlements during many centuries, for the inmates of these settlements made the clothes which they wore. But weaving and embroidery, always essentially woman's work, found a new development in the convent, and works of marked excellence were produced both in England and abroad. The painstaking industry, which goes far in the production of such work, was reflected in the activity of women as scribes and illuminators, and the names of several nuns who were famous for their writing have been handed down to posterity. In the twofold domain of learning and art the climax of productiveness was reached in the person of Herrad, in whom a wide range of intellectual interests and a keen appreciation of study combined with considerable artistic skill and a certain amount of originality.

Side by side with literary and artistic pursuits nuns were active in the cause of philanthropy. Several women who had the sufferings of their fellows at heart are numbered among the saints; and under the auspices of Hildegard a book was compiled on the uses of natural products in health and disease, which forms a landmark in the history of medi?val medicine.

With the consciousness of the needs of others came too a keener power of self-realisation. The attention of nuns was turned to the inner life, and here again their productiveness did not fail them. The contributions to mystical literature by nuns are numerous, and their writings, which took the form of spiritual biography, legendary romance, or devotional exercise, were greatly appreciated and widely read by their contemporaries. Even now-a-days they are recommended as devotional works by the Catholic Church.

We have seen that the position of the convent was throughout influenced by the conditions of the world outside it; changes in outside political, intellectual and social life necessarily made themselves felt in the convent. Consequent upon the spread of the feudal system of land tenure, which in the interest of an improved military organisation reserved the holding of property for men, women forfeited their chance of founding and endowing independent monasteries, and the houses founded after the monastic revival never attained a position comparable with that of those dating from the earlier period. As monasteries were theoretically safe against infringement of their privileges by prince or bishop owing to their connection with Rome, the relation of the Pope to temporal rulers and to the greater ecclesiastics directly affected them, and when the power of the Pope was relaxed they were at the mercy of prince and bishop. We have seen how kings of England appropriated alien priories, and how wilfully princes abroad curtailed the privileges of nunneries, the support of their prelates giving countenance to these changes. At a later period a considerable number of women's convents were interfered with by churchmen, who on the plea of instituting reforms took advantage of their position to appropriate the convent property.

A change of a different kind which affected the convent in its educational and intellectual standing was the growth of university centres, and the increased facilities afforded to the student of visiting different centres in succession. In the 9th century Bede who never stirred from his convent might attain intellectual excellence; such a course was impossible in the 13th and 14th centuries when the centre of education lay in the disputations which animated the lecture room. Some of the progressive monasteries of men lessened the loss they felt by securing a house at the university to which they sent their more promising pupils, but the tone at the medi?val university was such that one cannot wonder that no attempt was made in this direction by the convents of women. As a natural result their intellectual standard for a time remained stationary, and then, especially in the smaller and remoter settlements, it fell. This led to a want of interest in intellectual acquirements among nuns, and it was accompanied by a growing indifference in the outside world to the intellectual acquirements of women generally.

Not that the desire to maintain a high standard had passed away from women's convents. The readiness with which many houses adopted the chance of betterment held out to them by the congregations of the 15th century, goes far to prove that nuns continued to identify the idea of salvation with a high moral tone and an application to study. But study now ran along a narrow groove, for the monastic reformers favoured devotional study only. The nuns, who were impressed by the excellence of the reformers' motives, and prevented by circumstances from forming opinions of their own in the matter, showed an increasing readiness to adopt their views. The friars led the way in this direction by cutting off the nuns, given into their care, from the management of outside affairs; they were followed by the order of Sion, and by the congregations of Bursfeld and Windesheim, all of which alike urged that the primary duty of a nun was sanctification of self. The interest of this movement lies in the voluminous devotional literature it called forth, a literature full of spiritual beauty, but in the production of which nuns, so far as we know, took no share. By writing out oral sermons they helped, however, to preserve and spread them. The change which had come over the convent life of women cramped rather than stimulated their intellectual vitality, and the system of which they made part was apparently beyond their control. The author of 'Holy Maidenhood' in the 13th century called the nun the free woman, and contrasted her with the wife who in his eyes was the slave. But Erasmus at the beginning of the 16th century urged that the woman who joined the convent by doing so became a slave, while she who remained outside was truly free. Erasmus also insisted on the fact that there was no reason why a woman should enter a convent, as she might as well stay in the world and remain unmarried if she so preferred. In point of fact social conditions had so far changed that society no longer called to the Church for protection of its daughters. For a time the convent ranked high as an educational establishment; then this use began to pass away also, and it was largely on account of the provision religious houses made for unmarried women that they still continued in favour with a portion of the community.

Many historians have advocated the view that the Protestant reformers discovered the abuses of the monastic system, and finding these intolerable, swept the whole system away. The evidence adduced above in connection with the dissolution shows that matters were far otherwise, that the dissolution of convents was accompanied by many regrettable incidents, and that as far as England is concerned, it may confidently be called premature. For many years those who sought progress by peaceful educational means seemed to be confronted only by hopeless and sanguinary confusion; they passed away with the belief that the whole movement they had witnessed was opposed to real progress, holding the view that the Protestants were innovators of the worst and most dangerous kind.

However, as far as convents are concerned, it seems as though the Protestant reformers, far from acting as innovators, had done no more than give violent and extreme application to forces which had for some time been at work. The dissolution was led up to by a succession of conventual changes, and before the outbreak of the Lutheran agitation, at least one well-wisher of the system in Germany, Tritheim, had despaired of putting this system to new and effective uses. Not that monasticism can be said to have generally outlived its purposes at the time of the Reformation. In some countries, as in France and Spain, it subsequently chronicled important developments. But where German elements were prevalent, convents were either swept away, or put to altogether different uses by the Protestants, or else allowed to continue on a very much narrowed basis by the Catholics. Many convents fell utterly to decay in course of time and ceased to exist at the beginning of this century, others again still linger on but are mere shadows of their former brilliant selves.

The reason for these changes lay not altogether with those who professed religion in convents, they were part of a wider change which remoulded society on an altered basis. For the system of association, the groundwork of medi?val strength and achievement, was altogether giving way at the time of the Reformation. The socialistic temper was superseded by individualistic tendencies which were opposed to the prerogatives conferred on the older associations. These tendencies have continued to the present with slight abatements, and have throughout proved averse to the continuation of monasticism which attained greatness through the spirit of association.

Repelled through the violence and aggressiveness of the reformers, and provoked by the narrowness of Protestantism generally, some modern writers take the view that the Reformation was throughout opposed to real progress, and that mankind would have been richer had the reformers left undisturbed many of the institutions they destroyed. The revenues of these institutions would now have been at the disposal of those who would put them to public and not to personal uses. As far as convents, especially those of women, are concerned, I cannot but feel sceptical on both points. Granting even that these houses had been undisturbed, a possibility difficult to imagine, experience proves that it is hardly likely they could now be used to secure advantages such as they gave to women in the past. Certainly it is not in those districts where women's convents have lived on, securing economic independence to unmarried women as in North Germany, nor where they have lingered on along old lines as in Bavaria, that the wish for an improved education has arisen among women in modern times, nor does it seem at all likely that their revenues will ever be granted for such an object. It is in those countries where the change in social conditions has been most complete, and where women for a time entirely forfeited all the advantages which a higher education brings, and which were secured in so great a measure to women by convents in the past, that the modern movement for women's education has arisen.

* * *

APPENDIX

(to accompany p. 253).

Rhythmus Herradis Abatissae per quem Hohenburgenses virgunculas amabiliter

salutat et ad veri sponsi fidem dilectionemque salubriter invitat.

Salve cohors virginum

Hohenburgiensium,

Albens quasi lilium

Amans dei filium.

Herrat devotissima,

Tua fidelissima,

Mater et ancillula,

Cantat tibi cantica.

Te salutat millies

Et exoptat indies,

Ut laeta victoria

Vincas transitoria.

O multorum speculum,

Sperne, sperne seculum,

Virtutes accumula,

Veri sponsi turmula.

Insistas luctamine,

Diros hostes sternere,

Te rex regum adjuvat,

Quia te desiderat.

Ipse tuum animum

Firmat contra Zabulum.

Ipse post victoriam

Dabit regni gloriam.

Te decent deliciae,

Debentur divitiae,

Tibi coeli curia,

Servat bona plurima.

Christus parat nuptias

Miras per delicias,

Hunc expectes principem

Te servando virginem.

Interim monilia

Circum des nobilia,

Et exornes faciem

Mentis purgans aciem.

Christus odit maculas,

Rugas spernit vetulas,

Pulchras vult virgunculas,

Turpes pellit feminas.

Fide cum turturea

Sponsum istum reclama,

Ut tua formositas

Fiat perpes claritas.

Vivens sine fraudibus

Es monenda laudibus,

Ut consummes optima

Tua gradus opera.

Ne vacilles dubia

Inter mundi flumina,

Verax deus praemia

Spondet post pericula.

Patere nunc aspera

Mundi spernens prospera.

Nunc sis crucis socia,

Regni consors postea.

Per hoc mare naviga,

Sanctitate gravida,

Dum de navi exeas

Sion sanctam teneas.

Sion turris coelica

Bella tenens atria,

Tibi fiat statio,

Acto vitae spatio.

Ibi rex virgineus

Et Mariae filius

Amplectens te reclamet

A moerore relevet.

Parvi pendens omnia

Tentatoris jocula,

Tunc gaudebis pleniter

Jubilando suaviter.

Stella maris fulgida,

Virgo mater unica,

Te conjugat filio

Foedere perpetuo.

Et me tecum trahere

Non cesses praecamine,

Ad sponsum dulcissimum

Virginalem filium.

Ut tuae victoriae,

Tuae magnae gloriae,

Particeps inveniat

De terrenis eruat.

Vale casta concio,

Mea jubilatio,

Vivas sine crimine,

Christum semper dilige.

Sit hic liber utilis,

Tibi delectabilis

Et non cesses volvere

Hunc in tuo pectore.

Ne more struthineo

Surrepat oblivio,

Et ne viam deseras

Antequam provenias.

Amen Amen Amen

Amen Amen Amen

Amen Amen Amen

Amen Amen Amen.

* * *

INDEX.

The women here designated as saints are either included in the Acta Sanctorum Bollandorum, or else, this work waiting completion, are entered as saints in the 'Table Hagiographique' of Guérin, Les Petits Bollandistes, 1882, vol. 17.

abbess, position of, 87, 152, 203, 365 ff., 388

Abra, St, 14

Achachildis or Atzin, 34

Adela, 40, see Adolana

Adelheid, abbess at Gandersheim, 273

Adelheid, abbess at Nivelles, 152 footnote

Adelheid, abbess at Quedlinburg, 152

Adelheid Helchen, abbess at Oberwerth, 421

Adelitia, nun, 213

Adeliz, abbess at Winchester, 210

Admunt, convent at, 237

Adolana, St, abbess at Pf?lzel, 124

Aebbe, St, abbess at Coldingham, 97, 101-103

Aebbe, mother of Lioba, 134

Aelfgifu or Emma, queen, makes a gift of hangings, 226

Aelflaed, abbess at Whitby, 90, 93, 94, 103-106, 124, 126, 225

Aelflaed, queen, makes a gift of hangings, 226

Aelfthrith, abbess at Repton, 108

Aethelburg, St, abbess at Barking, 111, 112

Aethelburg St, or Aubierge, abbess at Brie, 78

Aethelburg, abbess (at Hackness?), 94, 106

Aethelburg, queen, founds a convent at Liming, 84

Aetheldritha, abbess at Southminstre in Thanet, 87

Aethelthrith, St, or Etheldred or Awdry, 96-99, 101, 225

Aette, abbess at Folkestone, 87

Afra, St, of Augsburg, 31, 32-33

Afra von Velseck, nun, 425 ff.

Agatha, St, of Catania, 16, 17, 141

Agilbert, St, 76

Agius, interested in nuns, 154, 155, 157-159

Agnes, St, of Rome, 18, 167, 314, 327

Agnes, St, abbess at Poitiers, 52, 55-65

Agnes, St, princess of Bohemia, 293, 296-297, 298

Agnes, abbess at Quedlinburg, 233, 234

Agnes Ferrar, abbess at Shaftesbury, 365

Agnes Litherland, prioress at Gracedieu, 449

Agnes Merrett, cellaress at Sion, 393

Agnes Seyntel, prioress at Cambridge, 367

Agnes Terry, prioress at Catesby, 369

Ailred, his connection with nuns, 215, 218, 313-314, 321, 325

Alburgh or Aethelburgh, convent of St, see Barking

Alena, St, 26

Aleydis, lay sister at Bronope, 419

Aleydis Ruyskop, nun at Rolandswerth, 428

Alice Fitzherbert, abbess at Polesworth, 447

Alice Henley, abbess at Godstow, 360

Alice Wafer, prioress at Prée, 410

alien priories, their number and appropriation, 386-387

Altwick, convent at, 273

Alwid, embroideress, 226

Amalberga, St, 23

Ambrosius, bishop of Milan, on Virginity, 14,

on St Agnes, 167

Amesbury, convent at, 194, 201, 203, 205, 454

ancre, defined, 312

'Ancren Riwle,' 311-325, 357

Angiltrud, nun, 138

Ankerwyke, convent at, 357, 443

Anna, duchess of Silesia, 295-296, 298

Anne Boleyn, intends to retire to a nunnery, 437

Anne Seton, prioress at Chatteris, 449

anonymous nun, author of 'Hodoeporicon' etc., 139 ff.

Anselm, archbishop of Canterbury, in connection with women, 184, 208-211

Anselma, nun, 213

Ansterbert, St, or Austreberta, 76

Anstrud, St, or Austrudis, 77

Apollonia Tucher, nun at Nürnberg, 460

Arles, convent at, 48-50, 52, 56, 226

armarium or bookcase, 216, 223

Armengard von Rheden, abbess at Fischbeck, 418

Atzin or Achachildis, 34

Augustine, rule of St, 196

Augustine, canons of, see Austin or Black

Aurea, St, 76

Austreberta, see Ansterbert

Austin or Black canons, 186, 196, 197, 209

Austin canonesses, 150, 197, 364, 371, 420

Austrudis, see Anstrud

Awdry, see Aethelthrith

Balbine, St, 30

Balthild, St, 71, 73, 74-78

Bamberg, convent of St Clara at, 459

Barbara Dalberg, nun at Marienberg, 429

Barbara Sch?ndorfer, abbess at Sonnenburg, 427

Barking, convent at, 111, 112, 113, 116, 121, 201, 203, 358, 363, 372, 377, 378, 443, 455

Basina, nun at Poitiers, 65, 67-69

Baudonivia, nun at Poitiers, 46, 52, 65

Bega, St, 89

Begu, nun at Hackness, 89, 93

beguine, defined, 331

Benedict, St, rule of, 50, 73, 74, 77, 186, 198, 215;

Anglo-Saxon version of, 312;

rhymed version of, 358 ff.

Benedictine nunneries, number of, in England, 204, 364

Bergen, convent at, 204, 460, 474

Berkley on Severn, convent at, 202

Berlindis, St, 26, 27, 31

Bernard of Clairvaux, 190, 258, 260

Berthegund, 69-70

Berthgit, nun, 139, also footnote

Berthild, St, or Bertilia, abbess at Chelles, 77

Bilihild, St, 29

Bingen, convent at, 263 ff.

Bischofsheim, convent at, 136, 137, 138

Bona, 211

Boniface, his correspondence with women, 118-142, 225, 232

Bourges, convent at, 230

Breslau, convent of St Clara at, 295

Bridget, St, of Ireland, 14 footnote

Bridget, St, of Sweden, 383 ff.

Bridget Belgrave, chambress at Sion, 392

Brie or Faremoutiers, convent at, 76, 77

Brixen, convent of St Clara at, 424, 459

Bromhall, convent at, 369, 436

Bronope, convent at, 418

Brunshausen, convent at, 155

Brusyard, convent at, 447

Buckland, convent at, 365

Bugga, correspondent of Boniface, 131-133

Bugga, daughter of King Centwin, 113

Bugga or Heaburg, 131

Burngith, nun at Barking, 113

Bursfeld, congregation of, 415

Busch, reformer of nunneries, 417 ff.

Butzbach, his correspondence with nuns, 428

Caesaria, St, abbess at Arles, 48, 52, 56

Caesaria II, abbess at Arles, 56

Caesarius, St, rule of, 48-50, 226

Cambridge, convent of St Radegund at, 367, 380, 435 and footnote

cameraria, see chambress

Campsey, convent at, 360, 376, 377, 378

Cangith, 128 footnote

Canonlegh, see Legh

cantarista, see leader of the choir

Canterbury, convent of St Sepulchre at, 403, 439

capellanissa, see chaplain

Carrow, convent at, 378

Catesby, convent at, 368-369, 447-448

Cathari, 273, 281

Catherine de la Pole, abbess at Barking, 378

Cecil Bodman, abbess at Wilton, 438 footnote, 441

Cecilia, St, legend of, in English, 326

cellaress or celleraria, office of, 216, 368, 371 ff., 393

celleraria, see cellaress

Celtes, his connection with nuns, 183, 461 ff.

chambress or cameraria, office of, 378, 392

Charitas Pirckheimer, abbess at Nürnberg, 458 ff.

Chartreuse, order of, 186, 199

chaplain, female, or capellanissa, office of, 376-378

Chatteris, convent at, 381, 401, 449

Chaucer on nuns, 361, 362

Chelles or Cala, convent at, 75, 77, 78, 82, 86

Chester, convent of St Mary at, 448

Chicksand, convent at, 445

Chlotildis, 41

Christiane, St, 25, 29

Christina, nun, 213

Christina, nun at Romsey, 207, 208

Christina, prioress at Mergate, 227

Christina Basset, prioress at St Mary Prée, 365, 410

Christine, abbess at Gandersheim, 159

Christine Str?lin, abbess at S?flingen, 422

Chrodield, nun at Poitiers, 50, 66-69, 226

Chrothild, St, queen, 51

Chunigundis, abbess at G?ss, 235

Chunihild, nun, 138, 139 footnote

Chunitrud, nun, 139

Citeaux, order of, 186, 189-192

Cistercian nunneries, number of, in England, 363

Clara, St, of Assisi, 296

Clara, St, convent of, at Brixen, Nürnberg, etc., see Brixen, Nürnberg, etc.

Clara Gundelfingen, abbess at Nürnberg, 459

Clara Pirckheimer, nun at Nürnberg, 459 ff.

Clares, Poor, or Nuns Minoresses, 364

Clemence, nun at Barking, 357

Clement, St, convent of, at York, see York

Clugni, order of, 186, 187-189

Clugniac nunneries, number of, in England, 363

Coldingham, convent at, 97, 101, 102

C?ln, convent of St Maria at, 152 footnote, 421

Columban, St, rule of, 72, 73, 77

consecration of nuns, 380

Cordula, St, 283

Crabhouse, convent at, 358

Cunera, St, 21, 29, 43

Cusanus, as monastic reformer, 416, 422 ff.

Cuthberht, his connection with abbesses, 102-105, 225

Cuthburg, St, of Wimbourne, 106, 113, 116

Cuthburg, suffering torments in hell, 121

Cwenburg, St, of Wimbourne, 116

Cwenburg, nun at Watton, 91

Cyneburg, St, of Castor, 106, 107

Cynehild, nun, 135

Cyneswith, St, of Castor, 107

Cynethrith, abbess, 225

Davington, convent at, 357, 380

Delapray, convent at, 447

Dennis, convent at, 449, 450

Derneburg, convent at, 417, 420

Didimia, abbess at Poitiers, 65

Diemud, scribe, 236-237

Disibodenberg, nuns' convent attached to, 262

Dollendis, see Rolendis

Dominican friars, abroad, 291, 295, 332;

in England, 309

Dominican nuns, 364

Dominican nunneries, number of, in England, 364

Dorothy Barley, abbess at Barking, 455

Dorstad, convent at, 418

Eadburg, abbess at Thanet, 120, 121, 122, 123, 225

Eadburga, 84

Eadgifu, abbess at Leominster, 202

Eadgith, nun at Barking, 112

Ealdgith, nun at Barking, 113

Ealdhelm, interested in nuns, 112-115, 172, 226

Eangith, correspondent of Boniface, 118, 128-131

Eanswith, St, of Folkestone, 83

Earcongotha, St, 78, 85

Easebourne, convent at, 360, 366, 376, 403, 404-406

Easington, convent at, 93

East Dereham, convent at, 96

ebdomary, office of, 390

Ebsdorf, convent at, 236

Ecgburg, abbess at Repton, 109, 126

Edelind, abbess at Niedermünster, 241

Edigna, St, 27

Edward's, St, convent of, at Shaftesbury, see Shaftesbury

Eger, convent of St Clara at, 466

Eichst?tt, convent of St Walburg at, 421

Einbeth or Einbetta, St, 40

Eleanor, queen, takes the veil at Amesbury, 201

elemosinaria, office of, 378

Elisabeth, St, of Thüringen and Hungary, 285, 295, 298-304

Elisabeth, St, nun at Sch?nau, 257, 277-285, 429

Elisabeth Krelin, abbess at Heggbach, 421

Elisabeth von Mansfeld, nun at Helfta, 329

Elisabeth von Seckendorf, abbess at Eichst?tt, 421

Elizabeth Barton, 439

Elizabeth Shelley, abbess at Winchester, 448, 449, 454, 455

Elizabeth Zouche, abbess at Shaftesbury, 455

Elizabeth Throgmerton, abbess at Dennis, 450

Elizabeth Walton, nun at Cambridge, 367, 368

Elizabeth Webb, prioress at Sopwell, 410

Ellandune, convent at, see Wilton

Elstow, convent at, 204 footnote, 377

Ely, convent at, 95-106, 202, 225, 226

embroidery done by nuns, 224 ff.

Engelthal, convent at, 471

Eormenhild, St, abbess at Sheppey and Ely, 100

Erasmus, on canons, 195,

on the position of women, 429 ff.

Erfurt, convent at, 236

eruditrix, office of, 379

Essen, convent at, 148, 149, 151, 232

Ethel-, see under Aethel-

Eufemia, abbess at Winchester, 366

Eulalia, abbess at Shaftesbury, 210

Eulalia, nun at Barking, 113

Euphemia Pirckheimer, abbess at Bergen, 460

Eustadiola, St, abbess at Bourges, 230

Eutropia, 35, see Ontkommer

Eva, recluse, 211

Everhild, St, 111

'Exercitia Spiritualia,' by St Gertrud, 351 ff.

'Explanatio regulae St Benedicti,' by St Hildegard, 270

'Explanatio symboli St Athanasii,' by St Hildegard, 270

'Expositiones Evangeliorum,' by St Hildegard, 270

Fara, St, abbess at Brie, 76

Faremoutiers, convent at, see Brie

Fécamp, convent at, 77

Felicitas Grundherrin, nun at Nürnberg, 460, 471

Fischbeck, convent at, 418

'Fliessende, das, Licht der Gottheit,' by Mechthild, 332 ff.

Flixton, convent at, 369, 377

Florence Bannerman, abbess at Amesbury, 454

Folkestone, convent at, 83, 87

Fontevraud, order of, 193-194, 205

Fortunatus, his connection with nuns, 58-64

Framehild, St, 76

Francis, St, of Assisi, 285, 291, 296, 301, 364

Franciscan friars and nuns, 291, 295, 302, 309, 364, 422

Frankenberg, convent at, 418

French, use of, in convents, 357 ff.

Frideswith, St, of Oxford, 110

Frigith, nun at Hackness, 93

Fuller, on nunneries, 457

Gandersheim, convent at, 148, 151, 152, 154 ff.

Gehulff, 35, see Ontkommer

Geiler, as a reformer of convents, 428

Geisenfeld, convent at, 460

Geneviève, St, of Paris, 26, 43, 51

Genovefa, 26

Georg, St, convent of, at Halle, see Halle

Gerald Barri, on monasticism, 199

Gerberg I, abbess at Gandersheim, 159

Gerberg II, abbess at Gandersheim, 151, 153, 160, 162, 163, 166, 167, 182

Germana, St, 25, 29

Gertrud, St, nun at Helfta, 329, 346 ff.

Gertrud, St, of Nivelles, 7, 23

Gertrud, 26

Gertrud, abbess at Helfta, 329

Gertrud, abbess at Trebnitz, 293, 295, 296

Gertrud von Büchel, nun at Rolandswerth, 429

Gilbert of Sempringham, St, order of, 186, 213-221

Gisela, 147

Gisela, queen of Hungary, 233

Gisleberga, St, 43

Godam Hampton, nun at Barking, 366

Godeleva, St, or Godeleina, 24, 25, 29, 30

Godstow, convent at, 204 footnote, 206, 357, 360, 400, 447, 453

G?ss, convent at, 235

Gracedieu, convent at, 449

Grandmont, order of, 186, 199

Gredanna von Freyberg, abbess at Urspring, 421

Gregory of Tours, his connection with nuns, 51 ff.

Gudila, St, 23

Gunthild, St, 7, 27, 35, 139 footnote

Guthlac, his connection with nuns, 108-110, 225

Gutta, scribe, 237

Hackness, convent at, 93, 94, 106

Hadewy, abbess at Herford, 147

'Hali Meidenhad,' 326-328

Halle, convent of St Georg at, 418

Hanbury, convent at, 100

Harwold, convent at, 446

Hartlepool, convent at, 88, 89, 90, 94

Hathumod, abbess at Gandersheim, 149, 154-159

Heaburg, called Bugga, nun, 128, 131

Hedwig, St, of Silesia, 291 ff., 298, 299

Hedwig, abbess at Neuss, 152 footnote

Hedwig, duchess of Swabia, 162, 233

Heggbach, convent at, 421

Heiningen, convent at, 236, 418, 419

Heiu, abbess at Hartlepool, 88, 89

Helen, St, 114

Helen, St, convent of, in London, see London

Helena von Iltzen, prioress at Marienberg, 418

Helena Meichnerin, abbess at Nürnberg, 463

Helfta, convent at, 328 ff.

Hereswith, St, 78, 82, 96, 97

Hereswytha, abbess at Sheppey, 87

Herford, convent at, 147, 148, 149, 155

Heriburg, abbess at Watton, 91

Herlind, St, abbess at Maaseyck, 230-232

Hersende, abbess at Fontevraud, 194

Heyninges, convent of St Mary at, 449

Hidburg, nun at Barking, 113

Hilarius, verses on recluses, 211

Hild, St, of Whitby, 82, 89 ff., 96

Hildegard, St, of Bingen, 256 ff., 429

Hildelith, St, abbess at Barking, 112, 113, 121

Hildemarque, 77

Hilp, 11, 35, see Ontkommer

'Hodoeporicon' by anonymous nun, 139 ff.

Hohenburg, convent at, 22, 24, 238 ff.

'Hortus Deliciarum,' by Herrad, 238 ff.

Hrotsvith, abbess at Gandersheim, 160

Hrotsvith, nun at Gandersheim, 143, 153, 154-183, 429

Ida, St, ancestress of Liudolfings, 23 footnote

Ida, abbess at St Maria (on the Münzenberg?), 152 footnote

Ida, ancestress of Karlings, 23

Ida, nun at Bronope, 419

Ida, nun at Gandersheim, 151, 152 footnote

Idonea, nun, 212

Iduberga, 43

Idung, on nuns, 198

infirmaria, 378

Ingetrud, abbess at Tours, 51, 58, 69, 70

Inthware or Iuthware, 30

Irmina, St, 40

Isabel Jordan, abbess at Wilton, 438

Isengard von Greiffenklau, 421

Itta, 43

Jane Gowryng, 443

Jane Messyndyne, 447

Joan Ashcomb, nun at Shaftesbury, 366

Joan Chapell, prioress at Sopwell, 410

Joan Darrell, abbess at Amesbury, 454

Joan Formage, abbess at Shaftesbury, 366

Joan Lancaster, prioress at Cambridge, 367, 368

Joan Sandford, prioress at Heyninges, 449

Joan Rawlins, prioress at Bromhall, 436

Johan or Jane Arundell, abbess at Legh, 368

Johanna de Northampton, prioress at Catesby, 368

John of Salisbury, on monks and nuns, 200, 201

Jouarre, convent at, 76

Joyce Bykeley, prioress at Catesby, 448

Juliana, St, legend of, 326, 327

Juliana, prioress at Bromhall, 369

Juliana Baucyn, abbess at Shaftesbury, 365

Justina, nun at Barking, 113

Juthware, see Inthware

Jutta, St, 338

Jutta, 'magistra,' at Disibodenberg, 262

Katharina Pirckheimer, prioress at Geisenfeld, 460

Katharine, St, life of, by Clemence of Barking, 357

Katherine Babington, nun at Campsey, 360

Katherine Bulkeley, abbess at Godstow, 453

Katherine Sayntlow, nun at Cambridge, 367

Katheryne Wyngate, nun at Elstow, 377

Kilburn, convent at, 206, 360, 376

Kirkless, convent at, 452, 453

kitchener or cook, office of, 216, 375

Kizzingen, convent at, 138, 273, 292, 293, 303

Kleinfrankenthal, convent at, 420

Krischmerge, 41

Kümmerniss, see Ontkommer

Kunigund, St, empress, 232

Kunigundis, St, 40

'Land of Cockayne,' 411

Langendorf, convent at, 415

Langland, on nuns, 406

Laon, convent at, 77

Las Huelgas, convent at, 191

Laycock, convent at, 441, 448

leader of the choir or precentrix, succentrix, cantarista, 216, 368, 378, 391

'Legatus Divinae Pietatis,' by St Gertrud, 348 ff.

Legbourne, convent at, 446

Legh, convent of, or Canonlegh or Minchenlegh, 358, 368

legister or reader, office of, 391

Leobgith, see Lioba

Leominster, convent at, 202

Leonard, St, convent of, see Stratford

Leubover, abbess at Poitiers, 65 ff., 226

Leukardis, scribe, 237

Liberata, St, or Liberatrix, 35, 37, see Ontkommer

Lillechurch, convent at, 212, 436

Liming, convent at, 84, 87

Lindesay on convent life, 456

Linthildis, see Lufthildis

Lioba, St, 117, 134 ff.

Littlemore, convent at, 437

Little Marlow, convent at, 442

Liutberg, recluse, 147

Livrade, 35, see Ontkommer

Liwid, embroideress, 226

London, convent of Poor Clares, or Minories, 364

London, convent of St Helen in, 378

Lucia, abbess at Shaftesbury, 366

Lucie, St, of Sampigny, 25

Lufthildis, St, 25, 26, 42

Lul, his correspondence with nuns, 134, 137, 138

Lüne, convent at, 236

'Luve Ron,' 310

Maaseyck, convent at, 231-232

magistra noviciarum, see mistress of the novices

Mallersdorf, convent at, 237

Malling, convent at, 204 footnote, 363, 380, 443 footnote

Margaret, St, legend of, 326

Margaret, St, queen of Scotland, 207-208, 289

Margaret Punder, prioress at Flixton, 369

Margaret Tewkesbury, abbess at Delapray, 447

Margaret Vernon, prioress at Little Marlow, 443

Maria, St, convent of, at C?ln etc., see C?ln etc.

Mariahilf, 11, 35

Mariasif, 11

Marienberg, convent at, in Saxony, 418-419

Marienberg, convent at, near Trier, 421

Marienborn, convent at, 420

Mariensee, convent at, 417

Marricks, convent of St Andrew, 449, 456

Mary, St, the Virgin, 9, 10, 11

Mary and Martha, as types of activity, 305, 314, 324, 325

Mary, St, convent of, at Chester etc., see Chester etc.

Mary, daughter of St Margaret, 207, 209

Mary of Blois, abbess at Romsey, 201, 212

Mathea Fabyan, nun at Barking, 377

Mathilde, abbess at Essen, 151, 232

Mathilde, abbess at Kizzingen, 292, 303

Mathilde, abbess at Quedlinburg, 149,

151, 153, 232

Mathilde, abbess at Villich, 152 footnote

Matilda, abbess at Amesbury, 201

Matilda, abbess at Winchester, 210

Matilda, queen, 207 ff., 289 ff., 298

Matilda Sudbury, nun at Cambridge, 367

Maxima, abbess, 113

Mechthild, 7

Mechthild, beguine, 305, 329, 330, 331-340

Mechthild, nun at Helfta, 329, 330, 340-346

Mechthild von Wippra, nun, 329

Mechtund, St, 40

Mergate, convent at, 227

Mildburg, St, of Wenlock, 85, 121

Mildgith, St, 85

Mildthrith, St, of Thanet, 85-86

Minories, see London, convent of Poor Clares

Minstre in Thanet, see Thanet

mistress of the novices, magistra noviciarum, 217, 378

Modwen, St, 111 and footnote, 446 footnote

Montreuil-les-Dames, convent at, 191

Münich, convent of St Clara at, 460

Münzenberg, convent of St Maria on the, 152 footnote

mynchyn, use of word, 364 footnote, 368, 454

Neuss, convent at, 152 footnote

Neuwerk, convent at Erfurt, 418

Nider, on nuns, 459

Niedermünster, convent, 241

Nigel Wirecker on monks and nuns, 200

Nivelles, convent at, 152 footnote

Norbert, St, order of, see Prémontré

Notburg, St, 34

Notburg, St, or Nuppurg, 26

Notburg, 24

Nunappleton, convent at, 452, 453

Nun-Cotham, convent at, 207 footnote

Nun-Kelyng, convent at, 453

Nun-Monkton, convent at, 357

Nunnaminster, see Winchester, convent of St Mary at

Odilia, St, 22, 24, 240, 251

Ontkommer or Wilgefortis, St, 35-38, 43

'opus anglicum,' 228

'Order of Fair Ease,' on religious orders, 201

Osburg, 111 and footnote

Osburg, nun at Barking, 113

Osgith, 113 footnote

Osith, St, 110

Oswen, St, or Osman, 30

Oxenfurt, convent at, 138

Paris, convent at, 51, 76

Paula, St, of Avila, 36 footnote

Pavilly, convent at, 76

Pega, St, 109, 110

Pellmerge, 41

Peter of Blois, corresponding with nuns, 213

Petronille, abbess at Fontevraud, 194

Pf?lzel or Palatiolum, convent at, 124

Pharaildis, St, 21, 22, 23, 27 footnote, 30, 34

Pietrussa, abbess at Trebnitz, 293, 295

Pillenreuth, convent at, 471

Poitiers, convent at, 51 ff.

Polesworth, convent at, 447

Pollesloe, convent at, 448

portress, office of, 217

Prague, convent of St Clara at, 296

precentrix, see leader of the choir

Prée, convent of St Mary, 366, 408, 410

Prémontré, order of, 186, 193-194

prioress, position and office of, 204, 216, 370 ff.

profession and consecration of nuns, 379-380

Pusinna, St, 147

Quedlinburg, convent, 146, 147, 148, 149, 150, 151, 152, 153, 232, 233

Radegund, St, of Poitiers, 45, 51-65, 225

Radegund, St, or Radiane, 27, 29, 34, 35

Radegund, St, convent of, see Cambridge, convent of St Radegund

Ramsen, convent at, 420

Redlingfield, convent at, 363, 377, 378

refectuaria, office of, 378

Regenfled, 35, see Ontkommer

Regenfrith, 35, see Ontkommer

Regina, St, 29

Reinild, St, abbess at Maaseyck, 230-232

Reinildis, St, 23

Relind, abbess at Hohenburg, 241

Repton, convent at, 108, 126, 202

Richardis, nun at Bingen, 272

Richmondis van der Horst, abbess at Seebach, 428

Rikkardis, nun at Gandersheim, 161, 163

Robert, St, founder of the order of Fontevraud, 193

Rolandswerth, convent at, 429

Rolendis, St, 27, 42

Romsey, convent at, 201, 207, 208, 209, 212, 357, 360, 378

Rosa, 211

Rosalia, St, of Palermo, 18

Rusper, convent at, 380, 381, 403, 404

Ryhall, convent at, 107

Sabina Pirckheimer, abbess at Bergen, 460, 474

Saethrith, St, or Syre, 77, 85, 96

Salaberg, St, 77

Scheurl, his connection with nuns, 460, 464

Scholastica, nun at Barking, 113

Sch?nau, convent at, 278 ff.

Sch?nfeld, convent at, 420

Schwellmerge, 41

scrutatrix, see sercher

Seebach, convent at, 428

Sempringham, order of, 186, 195, 201, 213-221

sercher or scrutatrix, 216

Seton, convent of, 403, 451

Sexburg, St, 84, 96, 100

sexton, office of, 370, 371, 390

Shaftesbury, convent of St Edward at, 203, 204, 210, 357, 365, 366, 376, 379, 455

Sheppey, convent at, 84, 87, 96, 100, 205, 379

Sigegith, 113

Sinningthwaite, convent at, 207

Sion, convent at, 360, 364, 383 ff., 439

S?flingen, convent at, 422, 429

Soissons, convent at, 147

Sonnenburg, convent at, 422 ff.

Sophie, abbess at Eichst?tt, 421

Sophie, abbess at Gandersheim, 151, 152

Sophie, abbess at Kizzingen, 273

Sophie, abbess (at Mainz?), 152 footnote

Sophie von Mansfeld, nun at Helfta, 329

Sopwell, convent at, 206, 357, 409, 410

Southminstre, convent at, 87

'Spiritual Convent or Ghostly Abbey,' 339, 377, 411

Stanford, convent at, 206

Stendal, convent at, 420

Strasburg, convent of St Mary Magdalen, 428,

of St Stephan, 428

Stratford, convent of St Leonard at, 212, 358, 363

Streanshalch, see Whitby

sub-prioress, office of, 370

succentrix, see leader of the choir

Suitha, abbess, 134

Superba, 211

Sura, St, or Soteris or Zuwarda, 29

Swine, convent at, 207 footnote, 378, 453

Tart, convent at, 191

Tecla, correspondent of Boniface, 135, 138, 139

Tecla, nun at Barking, 113

Tecla, nun at Bronope, 419

Teclechildis, see Theodohild

Tetbury, convent at, 117

Tetta, abbess at Herford, 147

Tetta, abbess at Wimbourne, 117, 135, 136

Thanet, convent at, or Minstre, 85, 86, 87, 120

thesaurissa, see treasurer

Theodohild, St, or Teclechildis, of Jouarre, 76

Theofanu, abbess at Essen, 152 footnote, 232

Theorigitha, see Torctgith

Thetford, convent at, 379, 402

Thomas Beket, his connection with nuns, 201, 212

Thomas de Hales, poem for nuns, 309 ff.

Tibba or Tilba, 107, 108, 110

Tinmouth, convent at, 82 footnote

Torctgith, St, or Theorigitha, 112

Tours, convent at, 51, 58, 69-70

treasurer or thesaurissa, 368, 378

Trebnitz, convent at, 292, 293, 294, 295

Trentham, convent at, 100

Tritheim, his connection with nuns, 428

tutrix, office of, 379

Uncumber, 38 footnote, see Ontkommer

Urspring, convent at, 421

Ursula, St, 21, 25, 34, 40, 283, 284

Ursula Cantor, 429

Verbetta, St, 40

Verena, St, of Zurzach, 23, 24, 26, 31-32

Verena, St, 283

Verena von Stuben, abbess at Sonnenburg, 423 ff.

Villbetta, St, 40

Villich, convent at, 152

Wadstena, convent at, 384 ff.

Wala, abbess, 130

Walburg, St, or Waltpurgis, 11 footnote, 25, 26, 27, 139

Walpurg Pirckheimer, nun, 460

Walter Map, on monks and nuns, 200, 202

Waltpurgis, see Walburg

Warbeth, 40

Watton, convent at, 91, 218-219, 220

Weedon, convent at, 100

Wende, convent at, 236

Wenlock, convent at, 86, 121

Wennigsen, convent at, 417

Werburg, St, 100

Werder, convent at, 417

Wessobrunn, nuns at, 236

Wethburg, abbess, 124, 126, 127, 132

Wherwell, convent at, 212, 455

Whitby or Streanshalch, convent at, 88-95, 103, 105, 106, 124, 202

Wibrandis, St, 40

Wienhausen, convent at, 235, 417

Wihtburg, St, 96

Wilbeth, 40

Wilcoma, abbess at Chelles, 86

Wilfrith, his connection with abbesses, 95 ff., 225

Wilgefortis, St, 35, see Ontkommer

Wilibald Pirckheimer, his connection with nuns, 461 ff.

Wilnotha, abbess at Liming, 87

Wilton, convent at, or Ellandune, 203, 369, 438, 441

Wimbourne, convent at, 116, 117, 134, 202

Wimpheling, on nunneries, 429

Winchester, convent of St Mary at, or Nunnaminster, 184, 203, 210, 211, 366, 376, 380, 448, 454, 455

Windesheim, congregation of, 417 ff.

Winifred, St, 30

Winteney, convent at, 359

Wittewierum, convent at, 237

Wolfsindis, 29

Woodchester, convent at, 202 footnote

Wroxhall, convent at, 229, 363

Wykes, convent at, 437

York, convent of St Clement's at, 206

Zuwarda, see Sura

CAMBRIDGE: PRINTED BY J. & C. F. CLAY, AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS.

* * *

Footnotes:

[1] The literature on this subject is daily accumulating. Among older authorities are Bachofen, Das Mutterrecht, 1861; Zmigrodski, Die Mutter bei den V?lkern des arischen Stammes, 1886; Pearson, K., Ethic of Free Thought, 1888.

[2] Kriegk, G. L., Deutsches Bürgerthum im Mittelalter, 1868, ch. 12-15.

[3] Gregorius Tur., Hist. Eccles. 5, ch. 14, 16, 19.

[4] Grimm, J., Deutsche Mythologie, 1875, p. 78.

[5] Ibid. p. 881 ff.

[6] Wuttke, Deutscher Volksaberglaube, 1869, p. 141; Weinhold, K., Deutsche Frauen, 1882, vol. 1, p. 73.

[7] Rochholz, E. L., Drei Gaug?ttinnen, 1870, p. 191.

[8] Menzel, Christliche Symbolik, 1854, article 'Haar.'

[9] A. SS. Boll., St Gunthildis, Sept. 12.

[10] Bouquet, Recueil Hist., vol. 5, p. 690. Capitulare incerti anni, nr 6, 'ut mulieres ad altare non ingrediantur.'

[11] Montalembert, Monks of the West, 1, p. 359.

[12] Jameson, Legends of the Madonna, 1857, Introd. xix.

[13] Rhys, J., Lectures on the origin and growth of religion as illustrated by Celtic Heathendom, 1888, p. 102.

[14] Frantz, C., Versuch einer Geschichte des Marien und Annencultus, 1854, p. 54 ff.

[15] Froissart, Chronicle, c. 162, in English translation; also Oberle, K. A., Ueberreste germ. Heidentums im Christentum, 1883, p. 153.

[16] Menzel, Christ. Symbolik, 1854, article 'Baum.'

[17] Oberle, K. A., Ueberreste germ. Heidentums im Christentum, 1883, p. 144.

[18] Menzel, Christl. Symbolik, 1854, article 'Himmelfahrt.'

[19] Ibid., article 'Frauenberg'; also Oberle, K. A., Ueberreste germ. Heidentums im Christentum, 1883, p. 38.

[20] Rochholz, Drei Gaug?ttinnen, 1870, p. 81, calls it Walburg; Reinsberg-Düringsfeld, Traditions et légendes de la Belgique, 1870, p. 286, calls it Fro or Frigg.

[21] Simrock, K., Handbuch der deutschen Mythologie, 1887, p. 379; also Grimm, J., Deutsche Mythologie, 1875, p. 257.

[22] Comp. below, p. 35.

[23] Bede, Ecclesiastical History, 1, ch. 30.

[24] On English calendars, Piper, F., Kalendarien und Martyrologien der Angelsachsen, 1862; Stanton, R., Menology of England and Wales, 1887.

[25] Stadler und Heim, Vollst?ndiges Heiligenlexicon, 1858-62, vol. 2, Einleitung.

[26] For France, Guettée, Histoire de l'église de France, 1847-55, vol. 1, p. 1; for England, Bright, W., Early English Church History, 1878, pp. 1 ff.; for Germany, Friedrich, Kirchengeschichte, 1867, vol. 1, pp. 86 ff.

[27] Ducange, Glossarium: 'coenobium.'

[28] Dupuy, A., Histoire de S. Martin, 1852, p. 176.

[29] Gildas, Epistle, c. 66.

[30] In Ireland we hear of nunneries founded by St Bridget in the fifth century, the chief of which was at Kildare; also that this saint crossed the Irish Sea and founded nunneries at Glastonbury in England and at Abernethy in Scotland. The accounts of the work of Bridget are numerous, but have not been subjected to criticism. Comp. A. SS. Boll., St Brigida, Feb. 1, and Lanigan, Eccles. History of Ireland, 1829, 1, pp. 377 ff.

[31] Ambrosius, Opera (edit. Migne, Patrol. Cursus Comp. vol. 16), De virginibus, p. 187; (vol. 17) Ad virginem devotam, p. 579.

[32] Hilarius, Opera (edit. Migne, vol. 10), Ad Abram, p. 547.

[33] Blunt, J. J., Vestiges of Ancient Manners in Italy and Sicily, 1823, pp. 56 ff.

[34] Menzel, W., Christl. Symbolik, 1854, article 'Brust,' makes this statement. I do not see where he takes it from.

[35] A. SS. Boll., St Agatha, Feb. 5.

[36] A. SS. Boll., St Agnes, Jan. 21; St Rosalia, Sept. 4.

[37] A. SS. Boll., St Cunera, June 12.

[38] Kist, N. C., in Kerkhistorisch Archiv, Amsterdam, 1858, vol. 2, p. 20.

[39] Vita St Meinwerci, bishop of Paderborn (1009-39), written about 1155 (Potthast), c. 37.

[40] Hautc?ur, Actes de Ste Pharailde, 1882, Introduction, p. xc.

[41] A. SS. Boll., Gloria posthuma St Bavonis, Oct. 1, p. 261.

[42] Wauters, A., Histoire des environs de Bruxelles, 1852, vol. 3, pp. 111, 123 ff.

[43] A. SS. Boll., Vita St Leodgarii, Oct. 2.

[44] Roth, K. L., 'St Odilienberg' in Alsatia, 1856, pp. 91 ff.

[45] Bonnell, H. E., Anf?nge des karolingischen Hauses, 1866, pp. 51, 149 etc. It is noticeable that another woman-saint Ida (A. SS. Boll., St Ida, June 20) figures as ancestral mother of the Liudolfings, who became kings in Saxony and emperors of Germany, comp. Waitz, Jahrbücher des deutschen Reichs unter Heinrich I. 1863, Nachtrag I.

[46] Grimm, J., Deutsche Mythologie, 1875, p. 207.

[47] Stadler und Heim, Vollst?ndiges Heiligenlexicon, 1858-82.

[48] Lebensgeschichte der heil. Othilia. Freiburg, 1852.

[49] Alsatia, 1858-60, p. 268, contains local stories.

[50] Roth, K. L., 'St Odilienberg' in Alsatia, 1856, p. 95.

[51] Menzel, Christliche Symbolik, article 'Knieen.'

[52] Du Bois de Beauchesne, Madame Ste Notburg, 1888, pp. 85, 197 etc. Stadler und Heim, Vollst?ndiges Heiligenlexicon, and A. SS. Boll. so far, omit her.

[53] Lefebure, F. A., Ste Godeleine et son culte, 1888. A. SS. Boll., St Godelewa, July 6.

[54] Wonderlyk Leven. Cortryk 1800, anon., pp. 42, 45 etc.

[55] Comp. below, ch. 4, § 2.

[56] Rochholz, L., Drei Gaug?ttinnen, 1870, pp. 26, 80 etc.

[57] Simrock, K., Handbuch der deutschen Mythologie, p. 389.

[58] Clouet, Histoire de Verdun, p. 180; A. SS. Boll., St Lucie, Sept. 9.

[59] A. SS. Boll., St Germana, Oct. 1; Husenbeth, F. C., Emblems of the Saints, 1882.

[60] Rochholz, L., Drei Gaug?ttinnen, p. 164.

[61] Zacher, J., St Genovefa Pfalzgr?fin, 1860, p. 55.

[62] Menzel, Christliche Symbolik, article 'Aehre,' refers to Notre Dame de trois épis in Elsass.

[63] Stadler und Heim, Vollst?ndiges Heiligenlexicon, St Nothburga, nr 2.

[64] Wauters, A., Histoire des environs de Bruxelles, 1, p. 302; Corémans, L'année de l'ancienne Belgique, 1844, p. 76.

[65] A. SS. Boll., St Alena, June 19; Menzel, W., Christliche Symbolik, 1854, article 'Arm.' Corémans, L'année de l'ancienne Belgique, 1844, June 19.

[66] Corémans, L'année etc., p. 77.

[67] Reinsberg-Düringsfeld, Traditions et légendes de la Belgique, 1870, vol. 1, p. 99.

[68] A. SS. Boll., St Gunthildis, Sept. 22.

[69] Imagines SS. Augustanorum, 1601; also Stadler and Heim, Vollst?ndiges Heiligenlexicon, St Radegundis, nr 3.

[70] Pharaildis has been depicted with one, A. SS. Boll., St Pharaildis, Jan. 4; also Verena, comp. below.

[71] Husenbeth, F. C., Emblems of the Saints, 1870, mentions one instance.

[72] Rochholz, Drei Gaug?ttinnen, 1870, p. 7.

[73] Stadler und Heim, Vollst?ndiges Heiligenlexicon; A. SS. Boll., St Rolendis, May 13.

[74] A. SS. Boll., St Edigna, Feb. 26.

[75] A. SS. Boll., St Christiane, July 26.

[76] Rochholz, L., Drei Gaug?ttinnen, p. 37.

[77] Stadler und Heim, Vollst?ndiges Heiligenlexicon, 1858-82, St Radegundis, nr 3.

[78] Ibid., Appendix, p. 998, footnote.

[79] Stadler und Heim, Vollst?ndiges Heiligenlexicon, 1858, St Regina, nr 4.

[80] Kist, N. C., 'Reenensche Kuneralegende' in Kerkhistorisch Archiv, Amsterdam, 1858, vol. 2, p. 5.

[81] Stadler und Heim, Vollst?ndiges Heiligenlexicon, 1858, St Sura.

[82] A. SS. Boll., St Germana, Oct. 1.

[83] Panzer, F., Beitrag zur deutschen Mythologie, 1848, pp. 5 ff., 272 ff.

[84] Capgrave, Catalogus SS. Angliae, 1516.

[85] Stanton, R., Menology of England and Wales, 1887.

[86] Capgrave, Catalogus SS. Angliae, 1516. Comp. Surius, Vitae SS. 1617.

[87] Hautc?ur, Actes de Ste Pharailde, 1882, Introd. cxxviiii.

[88] Reinsberg-Düringsfeld, Traditions et légendes de la Belgique, 1870, vol. 1, p. 288.

[89] Lefebure, Ste Godeleine et son culte, p. 209.

[90] Wauters, A., Histoire des environs de Bruxelles, 1852, vol. 1, p. 304.

[91] Rochholz, Drei Gaug?ttinnen, 1870, p. 154.

[92] Potthast, Wegweiser durch die Geschichtszwerke des europ. Mittelalters, 1862; Rochholz, loc. cit., p. 108, prints an early poetic version of the story in the vernacular.

[93] Simrock, K., Handbuch der deutschen Mythologie, 1887, p. 393.

[94] Grimm, J., Deutsche Mythologie, 1875, p. 254, footnote.

[95] Corémans, L'année de l'ancienne Belgique, pp. 61, 113, 158.

[96] Grimm, J., Deutsche Mythologie, 1875, p. 252.

[97] Corémans, L'année de l'ancienne Belgique, p. 76; Stadler und Heim, Vollst?ndiges Heiligenlexicon, and the A. SS. Boll. pass her over.

[98] Wessely, J. G., Iconographie Gottes und der Heiligen, 1874.

[99] A. SS. Boll., St Afra, Aug. 5.

[100] Grimm, J., Deutsche Mythologie, 1875, p. 242.

[101] Velserus, Antiqua monumenta, Chronica der Stadt Augsp. 1595; pp. 4, 14, 17, 32, 88.

[102] Rettberg, F. W., Kirchengeschichte, 1846, vol. 1, p. 147.

[103] Friedrich, Kirchengeschichte, 1867, vol. 1, p. 413.

[104] Stadler und Heim, Vollst?ndiges Heiligenlexicon, 1858, St Notburg, nr 1. A. SS. Boll., St Notburga, Jan. 26.

[105] Stadler und Heim, Vollst?ndiges Heiligenlexicon, 1858, Appendix, St Achachildis.

[106] Birlinger, A., Schw?bische Sagen, vol. 2, p. 341.

[107] Stadler und Heim, Vollst?ndiges Heiligenlexicon, 1858, St Radegundis, nr 3.

[108] Grimm, J., Deutsche Mythologie, 1875, p. 896.

[109] Stadler und Heim, Vollst?ndiges Heiligenlexicon, 1858, St Kumernissa.

[110] A. SS. Boll., St Liberata, July 20.

[111] Sloet, De heilige Ontkommer of Wilgeforthis, 1884.

[112] I cannot account for the presence of the beard; St Paula, venerated at Avila in Spain, is also represented with one (Stadler und Heim). Macrobius (Sal. bk 3, c. 8) tells us that the Venus Barbata was represented in Cyprus in the form of a man with a beard and wearing female clothing, which shows that goddesses of this type were venerated during heathen times.

[113] Grimm, J., Deutsche Mythol. 1875, p. 896.

[114] Sloet, De heilige Ontkommer of Wilgeforthis, 1884, p. 36.

[115] Menzel, W., Christl. Symbolik, 1854, article 'Bart.'

[116] Sloet, De heilige Ontkommer of Wilgeforthis, 1884, pp. 31, 33, 36, 42 etc.

[117] Ibid. p. 32.

[118] Stadler und Heim, Vollst?ndiges Heiligenlexicon, 1858, St Liberata, footnote, p. 807.

[119] Sloet, De heilige Ontkommer of Wilgeforthis, 1884, pp. 5, 50 etc. Ellis, H., Original Letters, series III, vol. 3, p. 194, quotes the following sentence from Michael Woddes, Dialogues, 1554: '... if a wife were weary of her husband she offered Otes at Poules (St Paul's) at London to St Uncumber,' a proof that the veneration of Ontkommer had found its way into England.

[120] Panzer, F., Beitrag zur deutschen Mythologie, 1848, pp. 5 ff., 272 ff.

[121] Corémans, L'année de l'ancienne Belgique, 1844, p. 149.

[122] Simrock, K., Handbuch der deutschen Myth., 1887, p. 344.

[123] Panzer, F., Beitrag zur deutschen Myth., 1848, p. 23.

[124] Corémans, L'année de l'ancienne Belgique, 1844, p. 148.

[125] Panzer, F., Beitrag zur deutschen Myth., 1848, pp. 69 ff.

[126] Cradles are frequently kept in churches in Bavaria, and form, I am told, part of the furniture which was formerly used at the celebration of the Nativity play at Christmas (Weihnachtskrippenspiel).

[127] Panzer, F., Beitrag zur deutschen Myth., 1848, p. 273.

[128] Simrock, K., Handbuch der deutschen Myth., 1887, pp. 344, 349, gives lists of their names.

[129] Grimm, W?rterbuch, 'Bett'; Mannhardt, W., Germanische Mythen, 1858, p. 644.

[130] Panzer, F., Beitrag zur deutschen Mythol., 1848, p. 180.

[131] A. SS. Boll., St Einbetta, Sept. 16.

[132] A. SS. Boll., St Kunegundis, June 16.

[133] Panzer, Beitrag zur deutschen Myth., 1848, p. 379.

[134] Menck-Dittmarsch, Des Moselthals Sagen, 1840, pp. 178, 258.

[135] Grimm, W?rterbuch, 'Marge.'

[136] Lersch, Centralmuseum rheinl. Inschriften, vol. 1, p. 23; also Jahrbücher des Vereins von Altertumsfreunden im Rheinlande, Bonn: J. 1852, Freudenberg, 'Darstellungen der Matres oder Matronae'; J. 1853, 'Neue Matronensteine'; J. 1857, Eick, 'Matronensteine'; J. 1858, Becker, 'Beitr?ge' etc.

[137] Stadler und Heim, Vollst?ndiges Heiligenlexicon, 1858, St Lufthildis.

[138] Ibid. St Rolendis.

[139] A. SS. Boll., St Cunera, June 12.

[140] Fustel de Coulanges, L'invasion germanique, 1891; Gérard, P. A. F., Histoire des Francs d'Austrasie, 1864; Ozanam, Civilisation chrétienne chez les Francs, 1855.

[141] A. SS. Boll., St Caesaria, Jan. 12, Regula, pp. 730-737; also A. SS. Boll., St Caesarius episcopus, Aug. 27.

[142] A. SS. Boll., St Caesaria, Jan. 12, Regula, c. 66.

[143] Guettée, Histoire de l'église de France, 1847, vol. 2, 46; Labbé, Sacr. Conc. Collectio, Conc. Agathense, canon nr 19.

[144] Guettée, Histoire de l'église de France, 1847, vol. 2, p. 109.

[145] Keller, Ch., étude critique sur le texte de la vie de Ste Geneviève, 1881; also A. SS. Boll., St Genovefa, Jan. 3.

[146] Darboy, Mgr, Sainte Clothilde, 1865; also A. SS. Boll., St Chrothildis, June 3.

[147] Giesebrecht, W., Fr?nkische Geschichte des Gregorius, 1851, Einleitung xviii.

[148] Gregorius Tur., De Gloria Confessorum, ch. 106 (in Migne, Patrol. Cursus Completus, vol. 71).

[149] Gregorius Tur., De Gloria Martyrum, ch. 5 (in Migne, Patrol. Cursus Compl., vol. 71).

[150] A. SS. Boll., St Radegundis, Aug. 13 (contains both these accounts).

[151] Fortunatus, Opera poetica, edit. Nisard, 1887.

[152] Gregorius Tur., Hist. Franc. bk 9, ch. 42.

[153] Gregorius Tur., Hist. Franc. bk 3, ch. 7; Fortunatus, Vita, ch. 2-4.

[154] Giesebrecht, W., Fr?nkische Geschichte des Gregorius, 1851, appendix.

[155] Fortunatus, Vita, ch. 3.

[156] Ibid., ch. 10.

[157] Ibid., ch. 5.

[158] Baudonivia, Vita, ch. 2.

[159] A. SS. Boll., St Medardus, June 8.

[160] Commentators are much exercised by this summary breaking of the marriage tie; some urge that Radegund's union had not been blessed by the Church. In the A. SS. it is argued that the Gallic bishop Medardus in pronouncing her divorce acted in ignorance of certain canons of the Church.

[161] Fortunatus, Vita, c. 10.

[162] Ibid., ch. 11; Baudonivia, Vita, ch. 6.

[163] Ibid., Vita, ch. 12.

[164] Stadler und Heim, Vollst?ndiges Heiligenlexicon, Johannes, nr 52; Gregorius Tur., De Gloria Confessorum, ch. 23.

[165] Fortunatus, Vita, ch. 26.

[166] Lucchi, Vie de Venantius Fortunatus, ch. 85 (in Fortunatus, Opera poetica, edit. Nisard, 1887).

[167] Gregorius Tur., De Gloria Confessorum, ch. 106.

[168] Fortunatus, Opera poetica, edit. Nisard, 1887, note 111, 3, p. 214.

[169] Gérard, P. A. F., Histoire des Francs d'Austrasie, 1864, vol. 1, p. 272.

[170] Gregorius Tur., Hist. Franc. bk 9, ch. 40.

[171] Fortunatus, Opera poetica, edit. Nisard, 1887, note 11, 1, p. 76.

[172] Gregorius Tur., Hist. Franc. bk 8, ch. 40.

[173] Gregorius Tur., Hist. Franc. bk 7, ch. 36.

[174] Baudonivia, Vita, c. 11.

[175] Fortunatus, Opera poetica, edit. Nisard, 1887, bk 10, nr 9.

[176] Fortunatus, Opera poetica, edit. Nisard, bk 2, nr 16.

[177] Ibid., bk 6, nr 1.

[178] Mone, F. J., Lateinische Hymnen des Mittelalters, 1853-5, vol 1, 101; Fortunatus, Opera poetica, edit. Nisard, note, p. 76.

[179] Fortunatus, Opera poetica, Appendix, nr 2.

[180] Ibid., bk 8, nr 1.

[181] Fortunatus, Opera poetica, note 9, p. 213.

[182] Ibid., Appendix, nr 16.

[183] Ibid., nr 31.

[184] Nisard, Ch., Des poesies de Radegonde attribuées jusqu'ici à Fortunat, 1889, p. 5.

[185] Fortunatus, Opera poetica, edit. Nisard, 1887, note 111, 2, 3, etc., p. 284.

[186] Ibid., 'De Excidio Thoringiae,' Appendix, nr 1.

[187] Fortunatus, Opera poetica, Appendix, nr 3.

[188] Ibid., bk 8, nr 8.

[189] Ibid., bk 8, nr 6.

[190] Ibid., bk 11, nr 10.

[191] Ibid., bk 11, nr 9.

[192] Fortunatus, Opera poetica, bk 11, nr 11.

[193] Ibid., bk 11, nr 22.

[194] Ibid., bk 11, nr 8.

[195] Ibid., bk 11, nr 6.

[196] Ibid., Appendix, nr 21.

[197] Ibid., bk 11, nr 2.

[198] Ibid., bk 11, nr 7.

[199] Ibid., Appendix, nr 15.

[200] Gregorius Tur., De Gloria Confessorum, ch. 106.

[201] Gregorius Tur., Hist. Franc., bk 9, chs. 39-44; bk 10, chs. 15-17, 20.

[202] Gregorius Tur., Hist. Franc., bk 9, ch. 39.

[203] Gregorius Tur., Hist. Franc., bk 9, ch. 41.

[204] Ibid., bk 10, ch. 15.

[205] Gregorius Tur., Hist. Franc., bk 9, ch. 33; bk 10, ch. 12.

[206] A. SS. Boll., St Vedastus, Feb. 6.

[207] A. SS. Boll., St Eleutherius, Feb. 20, Vita 1, ch. 3 (Potthast, Wegweiser: 'Vita auctore anonymo sed antiquo').

[208] Gérard, P. A. F., Histoire des Francs d'Austrasie, 1864, vol. 1, p. 384.

[209] Comp. throughout A. SS. Boll., St Wandregisilus, July 22; St Waningus, Jan. 9, etc.

[210] Drapeyron, L., La reine Brunehilde, 1867.

[211] Gregorius, Papa, Epistolae, liber 9, epist. 109 (in Migne, Patrol. Cursus Compl. vol. 77).

[212] St Columban who went abroad and died in 615 should be kept distinct from St Columba who died in 597, sometimes also called Columban. Both of them wrote rules for monks (cf. Dictionary of Nat. Biography).

[213] Bouquet, Recueil Hist., vol. 3, p. 478.

[214] A. SS. Boll., St Desiderius, May 23.

[215] Guettée, Histoire de l'église de France, vol. 1, p. 317.

[216] Opinions differ as to the original form of the rule of St Benedict. Comp. Benedictus, Opera, pp. 204 ff. (in Migne, Patrologiae Cursus Complet., vol. 66).

[217] A. SS. Boll., St Filibertus, Aug. 20.

[218] Roth, P., Geschichte des Beneficialwesens, 1850, Appendix, gives the Charter.

[219] Roth, P., Geschichte des Beneficialwesens, 1850, p. 249.

[220] A. SS. Boll., St Bathildis, Jan. 26 (contains both accounts).

[221] Roth, P., Geschichte des Beneficialwesens, 1850, p. 86.

[222] A. SS. Boll., St Bathildis, Jan. 26; Vita 11., ch. 14.

[223] A. SS. Boll., ibid., St Aurea, Oct. 4.

[224] Ibid., St Filibertus, Aug. 20, Vita, ch. 5.

[225] Ibid., St Austreberta, Feb. 10.

[226] Regnault, Vie de Ste Fare, 1626.

[227] A. SS. Boll., St Teclechildis, Oct. 10.

[228] A. SS. Boll., St Bertilia, Jan. 3.

[229] Ibid., St Salaberga, Sept. 22, Vita, ch. 8.

[230] Ibid., St Austrudis, Oct. 17.

[231] Bede, Hist. Eccles., bk 3, ch. 8; bk 4, ch. 23. Comp. below, ch. 3, § 1.

[232] History of the Anglo-Saxons, transl. Thorpe, 1845, vol. 2, p. 247.

[233] Raine, Historians of the Church of York. Rolls series, vol. 1, Preface, p. xxiii.

[234] It is probable such settlements existed. Dugdale, Monasticon, vol. 3, p. 302, holds a religious foundation to have existed in Tinmouth founded 617-33, but in Bede, Life of Cuthbert, transl. Stevenson, T., 1887, ch. 3, it is referred to as a monastery formerly of men, now of 'virgins.'

[235] Dugdale, Monasticon, 'Folkestone,' vol. 1, p. 451.

[236] Hardy, Th. D., Descriptive Catalogue of Materials, 1862, vol. 1, p. 226: 'the life of Eanswith cannot be traced to any earlier authority than John of Tinmouth (? c. 1380) whose account Capgrave (? 1484) embodied in his collection of saints' lives.' The work of Capgrave, Catalogus SS. Angliae, was printed in 1516; the Kalendre of the newe Legende of Englande, printed 1516 (Pynson), from which expressions are quoted in the text, is an abridged translation of it into English.

[237] Dugdale, Monasticon, 'Folkestone,' vol. 1, p. 451, nr 2.

[238] Smith and Wace, Dictionary of Christian Biography, 1880, 'Eanswitha'; also A. SS. Boll., St Eanswida, Aug. 31.

[239] Dugdale, Monasticon, 'Liming,' vol. 1, p. 452.

[240] Jenkins, R. C., in Gentleman's Magazine, 1862, August, p. 196 quotes this statement; I do not see where he takes it from.

[241] Stanton, R., Menology of England and Wales, 1887, p. 144.

[242] Hardy, Th. D., Descriptive Catalogue of Materials, 1862, vol. 1, p. 475.

[243] Gocelinus, Vita St Wereburgae, c. 1 (in Migne, Patrol. Cursus Compl., vol. 155).

[244] Bright, W., Early English Church History, 1878, p. 130 footnote.

[245] Dugdale, Monasticon, 'Sheppey,' vol. 2, p. 49.

[246] Bright, W., Early English Church History, 1878, p. 123.

[247] Bede, Hist. Eccles., bk 3, ch. 8, transl. Gidley, 1870.

[248] Dugdale, Monasticon, 'Thanet,' vol. 1, p. 447; Hardy, Th. D., Descriptive Catalogue of Materials, 1862, on lives of St Mildred, vol. 1, p. 376; A. SS. Boll., St Mildreda, July 13.

[249] Stanton, R., Menology of England and Wales, 1887, July 13.

[250] Smith and Wace, Dictionary of Christian Biography, article 'Mildred' by Bishop Stubbs.

[251] Dugdale, Monasticon, 'Thanet,' vol. 1, p. 447.

[252] A. SS. Boll., St Milburga, Feb. 23.

[253] Ibid., St Mildwida, Jan. 17.

[254] Stanton, R., Menology of England and Wales, Jan. 17.

[255] 'Lives of Women Saints' (written about 1610) p. 64, edited by Horstman for the Early Engl. Text Soc., London, 1887.

[256] Haddon and Stubbs, Councils and Ecclesiastical Documents, 1869, vol. 3, p. 240.

[257] 'Upmynstre, Suthmynstre, Folcanstan, Limming, Sceppeis.'

[258] Dugdale, Monasticon, 'Whitby,' vol. 1, p. 405.

[259] Bede, Eccl. Hist., bk 4, ch. 23 transl. Gidley, 1870. Dugdale, Monasticon, 'Hartlepool,' vol. 6, p. 1618, places the foundation about the year 640.

[260] Bede, Eccl. Hist. bk 3, chs. 24-25; bk 4, chs. 23-24.

[261] A. SS. Boll., St Bega, Sept. 6; Tomlinson, G. C., Life and Miracles of St Bega, 1839.

[262] Carthularium abbathiae de Whiteby, publ. Surtees Soc., 1879.

[263] Bede, Eccles. History, bk 4, ch. 23, translat. Gidley, 1870, with additions and alterations.

[264] Bede, Eccles. History, bk 5, ch. 3.

[265] Bede, Life of St Cuthbert, ch. 10; Dugdale, Monasticon, vol. 1, p. 233, mentions Easington only as a manor of Durham.

[266] Dugdale, Monasticon, 'Hackness,' vol. 3, p. 633.

[267] Bede, Eccles. History, bk 4, ch. 23.

[268] Dictionary of Nat. Biography, article 'Caedmon' by Henry Bradley.

[269] Bede, Eccles. History, bk 4, ch. 24, transl. Gidley, 1870.

[270] Haigh, D. H., 'On the monasteries of St Heiu and St Hild,' Yorksh. Archaeolog. Journal, vol. 3, p. 370. I do not know on what authority Haigh designates Heiu as saint.

[271] Gray, de Birch, Fasti Monastici Aevi Saxonici, 1872, p. 15.

[272] Comp. below, p. 106.

[273] Charlton, L., History of Whitby, 1779, p. 33.

[274] Raine, Historians of the Church of York, Rolls series, vol. 1, Preface p. xxvii. This volume contains reprints of several accounts of the life of Wilfrith, including the one by Eddi.

[275] A. SS. Boll., St Withburga, March 17; Dugdale, Monasticon, 'East Dereham,' vol. 2, p. 176.

[276] Haigh, D. H., 'On the monasteries of St Heiu and St Hild,' Yorkshire Archaeol. Journal, vol. 3, p. 352, decides in favour of Aethelric.

[277] Bright, W., Early English Church History, 1878, p. 235.

[278] Dugdale, Monasticon, 'Coldingham,' vol. 6, p. 149. The promontory of St Abb's Head retains her name. She is believed to have founded another religious settlement at a place in Durham on the river Derwent called Ebbchester, and the village church there is dedicated to her (Dict. of Nat. Biog.).

[279] Bede, Eccles. History, bk 4, ch. 19.

[280] A. SS. Boll., St Etheldreda June 23, Thomas of Ely, Vita ch. 41.

[281] Bright, W., Early English Church History, 1878, p. 252 footnote.

[282] Bede, Eccles. History, bk 4, ch. 19.

[283] Kalendre of the newe Legende of Englande, printed 1516 (Pynson) fol. 39 b.

[284] Bede, Eccles. History, bk 4, ch. 19.

[285] Dictionary of National Biography, 'Etheldreda, Saint.'

[286] Bentham, History of Ely, 1817, p. 9.

[287] Gocelinus, Vita St Wereburgae (in Migne, Patrol. Cursus Compl. vol. 155).

[288] Stanton, R., Menology of England and Wales, 1887, p. 49, calls it Weedon in Northamptonshire; Dugdale, Monasticon, 'Wedon,' vol. 6, p. 1051, doubts its existence.

[289] Life of St Werburgh, 1521, reprinted for the Early Engl. Text Soc., 1887.

[290] Stanton, R., Menology of England and Wales, 1887, p. 49.

[291] Livien, E. 'On early religious houses in Staffordshire,' Journal of the British Archaeolog. Assoc., vol. 29, p. 329. (The widespread cult of St Werburg may be due to there having been several saints of this name; comp. Stanton, R., Menology.)

[292] Eddi, Vita, c. 34 (in Raine, Historians of the Church of York, Rolls series).

[293] Bright, W., Early English Church History, 1878, p. 300, casts discredit on this story, which is told by Eddi, Vita, c. 38.

[294] Bright, W., Early English Church History, 1878, pp. 301 ff.

[295] Hardy, Th. D., Descriptive Catalogue of Materials, 1862, vol. 1, pp. 297 ff.

[296] Bede, Life of St Cuthbert, ch. 10.

[297] Bede, Eccles. History, bk 4, ch. 25.

[298] The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle gives 679 as the date of the fire; Eddi's account represents Aebbe as alive in 681. Perhaps she died in 680; comp. Smith and Wace, Dictionary of Christian Biography, 1877, Ebba, nr 1; also Bright, W., Early English Church History, 1878, p. 300, footnote.

[299] Bright, W., ibid., p. 255, footnote.

[300] Hardy, Th. D., Descriptive Catalogue of Materials, 1862, vol. 1, p. 312.

[301] Bede, Life of St Cuthbert, ch. 23.

[302] Bede, Life of St Cuthbert, ch. 34.

[303] Ibid., ch. 24.

[304] Psalm lxxxix. 10 (The Vulgate here follows the LXX.; it would be interesting to know what sense they or indeed Bede gave to the passage).

[305] Eccles. xi. 8.

[306] Bede, Eccles. Hist., bk 4, ch. 26.

[307] Eddi, Vita, c. 43.

[308] Bright, W., Early English History, 1878, p. 448, from 686-691.

[309] Haigh, D. H., 'On the monasteries of St Heiu and St Hild,' Yorksh. Archaeol. Journal, vol. 3, p. 375.

[310] Dugdale, Monasticon, 'Peterborough,' vol. 1, p. 377, nr 2, prints the charter.

[311] Gough, R., Parochial History of Castor, 1819, p. 99.

[312] 'Cum beatissimis sororibus meis Kyneburga et Kyneswida, quarum prior regina mutavit imperium in Christi ancillarum praesidens monasterio ... etc.'

[313] Hardy, Th. D., Descriptive Catalogue of Materials, 1862, vol. 1, p. 370.

[314] A. SS. Boll., St Kineburga et St Kineswitha, virgines, March 6, argue the existence of a third sister.

[315] Camden, Britannia, edit. 1789, vol. 2, pp. 219, 223.

[316] Dugdale, Monasticon, 'Repton,' vol. 6, p. 429; the abbesses he mentions should stand in this order: Alfritha, Edburga.

[317] Haddon and Stubbs, Councils and Eccles. Documents, 1869, vol. 3, p. 273.

[318] Ibid., vol. 3, p. 274.

[319] Birch, W. de Gray, Memorials of St Guthlac of Crowland, 1881.

[320] A. SS. Boll., St Guthlac, April 11; Felix, Vita, c. 12.

[321] Felix, Vita, c. 33.

[322] Ibid., 'Egburgh abbatissa, Aldulfi regis filia'; Smith and Wace, Dictionary of Christian Biography, 1877, call her 'Eadburga (nr 3)'; two abbesses Ecgburh occur in the Durham list of abbesses, comp. Gray, W. de Birch, Fasti Monastici Aevi Saxonici, 1872, p. 70.

[323] Comp. below, ch. 4, § 1.

[324] Holdich, B., History of Crowland Abbey, 1816, p. 2.

[325] Gray, W. de Birch, Memorials of St Guthlac of Crowland, 1881, Introd. p. l, footnote.

[326] Brit. Mus. MS. Harleian Roll, Y 6, reproduced Gray, W. de Birch, Memorials of St Guthlac of Crowland, 1881, pp. 14, 16, etc.

[327] Goodwin, C. W., The Anglo-Saxon version of the life of St Guthlac, 1848, p. 93.

[328] A. SS. Boll., St Pega sive Pegia, Jan. 8.

[329] A. SS. Boll., St Ositha, Oct. 7.

[330] Dugdale, Monasticon, 'Chich Priory,' vol. 6, p. 308.

[331] Hardy, Th. D., Descriptive Catalogue of Materials, vol. 1, pp. 524 ff.

[332] A. SS. Boll., St Frideswida, Oct. 19; Dugdale, Monasticon, 'Christ Church,' vol. 2, p. 134.

[333] Dictionary of National Biography, Frideswide.

[334] Stanton, R., Menology of England and Wales, 1887, p. 137: 'we have no records of Osburg till 1410.'

[335] Ibid., p. 310: 'there is much obscurity in the history of St Modwenna. It seems that she must be distinguished from one or perhaps two other Irish saints....' Also Livien, E., 'On early religious houses in Staffordshire' in Journal of the British Archaeol. Association, vol. 29, p. 333; Hardy, Th. D., Descriptive Catalogue of Materials, pp. 94 ff.

[336] Stanton, R., Menology of England and Wales, 1887, p. 328.

[337] Bede, Eccles. Hist., bk 4, chs. 7-10.

[338] Dugdale, Monasticon, 'Barking,' vol. 1, p. 436.

[339] A. SS. Boll., St Ethelburga, Oct. 11; Stanton, R., Menology of England and Wales, p. 485.

[340] Stanton, R., Menology, calls her Theorigitha but says, p. 36, that she has no day.

[341] A. SS. Boll., St Hildelitha, March 24.

[342] Bede, Eccles. Hist., bk 5, ch. 18.

[343] Capgrave, T., Catalogus SS. Angliae, 1516, fol. 10, b.

[344] Monumenta Moguntina, edit. Jaffé, Epist. nr 2, written between 675 and 705; Giles (Aldhelm, Opera Omnia, 1844, p. 90) calls her Osgith, a name which occurs several times in the Durham 'Liber Vitae.'

[345] Aldhelm, Opera, edit. Giles, 1844, p. 103.

[346] Ibid., p. 115, De Basilica, etc.

[347] Ibid., p. 135, De Laudibus Virginum (it is not known over which house Maxima presided); p. 203, De octo Principalibus Vitiis.

[348] Ibid., p. 1, De Laudibus Virginitatis (chapter references in the text are to this edition).

[349] Mediaeval exegesis interpreted in these four ways, comp. Cassian Erem., De Spiritu Sc., c. 8.

[350] I take 'crustu' to go with 'crusta,' comp. Ducange.

[351] Monumenta Moguntina, edit. Jaffé, Epist. nr 70.

[352] Dugdale, Monasticon, 'Sherbourne,' vol. 1, p. 331, footnote K.

[353] Will. of Malmesbury, History, c. 31.

[354] Dict. of Nat. Biography, 'Aldhelm.'

[355] Dugdale, Monasticon, 'Wimbourne,' vol. 2, p. 88.

[356] A. SS. Boll., St Cuthberga, Aug. 31.

[357] Dugdale, Monasticon, 'Wimbourne,' vol. 2, p. 88.

[358] Opera edit. Giles, 1844, p. 216; Dict. of Nat. Biog., 'Aldfrith,' he is sometimes called Alfred.

[359] Dugdale, Monasticon, 'Wimbourne,' vol. 2, p. 89, nr 2.

[360] Brit. Mus. MSS. Lansdowne, 436 f., 38 b.

[361] Dugdale, Monasticon, 'Tetbury,' vol. 6, p. 1619.

[362] A. SS. Boll., St Lioba, Sept. 28, c. 2.

[363] Arndt, W., Introd. to translation into German (in Pertz, Geschichtsschreiber der deutschen Vorzeit, Jahrhundert 8, Band 2), p. xix.

[364] Epist. nr 12. The only edition of the letters of Boniface which attempts chronological order is that of Jaffé, Ph., Monumenta Moguntina, 1866, the numeration of which I have followed. Additional remarks on the dates of some of the letters are contained in Hahn, H., Bonifaz und Lull, ihre angels?chsischen Correspondenten, 1883.

[365] Willibaldus presb., Vita Bonifacii, edit. Jaffé, Ph., Monumenta Moguntina, 1866, pp. 422-506, c. 2.

[366] Whether Eadburg of Thanet is identical with St Eadburga buried at Liming (comp. p. 84), is uncertain.

[367] Epist. nr 10.

[368] Epist. nr 112.

[369] Epist. nr 32, written 735 (Jaffé); after 732 (Hahn).

[370] Epist. nr 75.

[371] Epist. nr 31.

[372] Epist. nr 62.

[373] Epist. nr 76.

[374] Epist. nr 22, written 722 (Jaffé).

[375] Epist. nr 39.

[376] Epist. nr 46.

[377] Epist. nr 72, 2 Cor. vii. 5.

[378] Epist. nr 73.

[379] Comp. Ps. cxix. 105.

[380] Epist. nr 87.

[381] Epist. nr 8; written between 709 and 712 (Hahn). Boniface is known to have travelled in the district of the Mosel; there is no other reason why this letter should be included in the correspondence.

[382] John xv. 12.

[383] Epist. nr 59; written 745 (Hahn).

[384] Epist. nr 60.

[385] Epist. nr 61.

[386] Epist. nr 70; written after 748 (Hahn).

[387] Epist. nr 13, written 717-19 (Hahn).

[388] Jaffé, Ph., loc. cit., footnote, p. 64, quotes the lines Virg. Aen., 11. 369-70, of which this sentence seems an adaptation.

[389] Comp. Psalm i. 2.

[390] Romans x. 15.

[391] Matth. xxv. 36.

[392] Comp. Matth. xix. 28.

[393] Epist. nr 14, written 719-22 (Jaffé). Haigh, D. H., 'On the monasteries of St Heiu and St Hild,' in Yorkshire Archaeol. Journal, vol. 3, p. 377, speaks of her as Cangith and holds her to have been abbess of Hackness.

[394] Birch, W. de Gray, Fasti Monastici Aevi Saxonici, 1872, p. 68.

[395] Matth. vii. 25.

[396] Comp. Luc. xiv. 31.

[397] Wisdom vi. 7 (Vulgate).

[398] Wisdom iv. 12 (Vulgate).

[399] There are some difficulties in this passage.

[400] Daniel xiv. 33 (Vulgate).

[401] Acts viii. 26.

[402] Ps. cxix. 103.

[403] Ps. xxxvi. 6.

[404] Cp. Ps. cxli. 2.

[405] Cp. 2 Cor. v. 12.

[406] The name Bugga occurs frequently during this period.

[407] Epist. nr 16, written 720-22 (Jaffé); I think somewhat later.

[408] Epist. nr 86.

[409] Epist. nr 88.

[410] Epist. nrs 37, 38, 39.

[411] Epist. nr 103, written shortly after 740 (Hahn).

[412] Epist. nr 113.

[413] Epist. nr 53.

[414] Epist. nr 70.

[415] Epist. nr 126.

[416] Epist. nr 23; the verse runs as follows:

'Arbiter omnipotens, solus qui cuncta creavit,

In regno Patris semper qui lumine fulget,

Qua jugiter flagrans sic regnat gloria Christi,

Inlaesum servet semper te jure perenni.'

[417] A. SS. Boll., St Lioba, Sept. 28, Vita, ch. 9.

[418] Epist. nr 91, written between 737-41 (Hahn).

[419] Vita, ch. 13.

[420] Epist. nr 34.

[421] Epist. nr 98, written 732-747 (Hahn).

[422] Vita, ch. 14.

[423] Epist. nr 93.

[424] Epist. nr 126; also Epist. nr 68, written 748 (from the Pope on the consecration of abbot and abbess).

[425] Vita St Sturmi in Pertz, Mon. Germ. Script., vol. 2, p. 365.

[426] In Jaffé, Ph., Monumenta Moguntina, 1866, p. 475.

[427] Comp. above, p. 135.

[428] A. SS. Boll., St Tecla, Oct. 15, casts discredit on Tecla's settling at Kizzingen and argues in favour of Oxenfurt. Kizzingen existed in the 15 c.; nothing is known concerning the later history of Oxenfurt.

[429] Hahn, H., Bonifaz und Lull, ihre angels?chsischen Correspondenten, 1883, p. 138, footnote 4, considers her identical with the Cynehild of the correspondence.

[430] Two letters, nrs 148, 149, in the correspondence are written by 'Berthgyth,' apparently a nun in England who wished to go abroad, to her brother Baldhard, but judging by their contents ('I have been deserted by my parents,' etc.) it is improbable that she is identical with the nun referred to above.

[431] Jaffé, Ph., Monumenta Moguntina, 1866, p. 490.

[432] Comp. above, p. 25.

[433] Comp. the attempt to identify Chunihilt with St Gunthildis, A. SS. Boll., Sept. 22.

[434] Edit. Canisius, H., Thesaurus, 1725, vol. 2; this anonymous nun is sometimes considered identical with the sister of Wilibald and Wunebald, and therefore with St Walburg.

[435] Vita St Willibaldi (also called Hodoeporicon), edit. Canisius, H., Thesaurus, 1725, vol. 2, ch. 2.

[436] Bede, Hist. Eccles., bk 5, ch. 15.

[437] For erasing writing from parchment.

[438] Vita St Wunebaldi, edit. Canisius, H., Thesaurus, 1725, vol. 2.

[439] Widukind, Annalium libri tres, year 924.

[440] Giesebrecht, W., Geschichte der deutschen Kaiserzeit, 4 ed. 1873, vol. 1.

[441] Ex Vita Liutbergae in Pertz, Mon. Germ. Script., vol. 4, p. 158 (Potthast, Wegweiser, written about 870).

[442] Dümmler, E., Geschichte des ostfr?nkischen Reichs, 1865, vol. 1, p. 348.

[443] Translatio St Pusinnae in A. SS. Boll., April 23 (Potthast, Wegweiser, written probably by a monk of Corvei between 860-877).

[444] Dümmler, E., Geschichte des ostfr?nkischen Reichs, 1865, vol. 2, p. 336.

[445] Luentzel, Geschichte der Di?cese und Stadt Hildesheim, 1858, vol. 1, p. 22.

[446] Vita Mathildis Reg. (in Pertz, Mon. Germ. Script., vol. 4, p. 283 ff.), c. 26.

[447] Annales Quedliburgenses, year 999.

[448] Fritsch, Geschichte des Reichstifts Quedlinburg, 1826, vol. 1, p. 45.

[449] Luther, An den Adel christl. Nation, 1520, edit. Knaake, vol. 6, p. 440.

[450] Harenberg, Historia Ecclesiae Gandersh., 1734, vol. 1, p. 529.

[451] Engelhausen, Chronicon (in Leibnitz, Scriptores rer. Brunsv. 1707, vol. 2), p. 978.

[452] Comp. below, ch. 6, § 1.

[453] Luentzel, Geschichte der Di?cese und Stadt Hildesheim, 1858, vol. 1, p. 67, quoting 'Reimchronik,'

'Dat Bog segt, dat se so vele Wisheit konde,

Dat se ok wol gelerden Meistern wedderstunde.'

[454] Harenberg, Historia Ecclesiae Gandersh., 1734, vol. 1, p. 626 ff.

[455] Luentzel, Geschichte der Di?cese und Stadt Hildesheim, vol. 1, p. 319.

[456] 'De fundatione Brunswilarensis' (in Pertz, Mon. Germ. Scriptores, vol. 11, p. 394 footnote); Adelheid was abbess of Nivelles, Mathilde of Villich and Diedenkirchen, Theofanu of Essen, Hedwig of Neuss; Sophie and Ida, to whom reference has been made in the text, are said by Pertz to have presided over Gandersheim and St Maria at C?ln; Sophie certainly did not become abbess at Gandersheim, perhaps she went to Mainz; Ida probably presided over the convent of St Maria on the Münzenberg, a dependency of Gandersheim.

[457] Waitz, G., Deutsche Verfassungsgeschichte, 1868, vol. 7, p. 258.

[458] Reichstage, 1548-1594.

[459] Fritsch, Geschichte des Reichstifts Quedlinburg, 1828, vol. 1, p. 259.

[460] Luentzel, Geschichte der Di?cese und Stadt Hildesheim, 1858, vol. 1, p. 67.

[461] Fritsch, Geschichte des Reichstifts Quedlinburg, 1828, vol. 1, p. 84.

[462] Ebert, Ad., Geschichte der Litteratur des Mittelalters, 1887, vol. 3, p. 429 footnote.

[463] Harenberg, Historia Ecclesiae Ganders., 1734; also Luentzel, Geschichte der Di?cese und Stadt Hildesheim, 1858, vol. 1, pp. 33 ff., 63 ff.

[464] Agius, Vita et Obitus Hathumodae (in Pertz, Mon. Germ. Scriptores, vol. 4, pp. 166-189).

[465] Hrotsvith, 'Carmen de Primordiis Coenobii Gandersh.,' in Opera, edit. Barack, 1858, p. 339 ff.

[466] Agius, Vita et Obitus Hathumodae, ch. 3.

[467] Ibid. ch. 5.

[468] Agius, Vita et Obitus Hathumodae, ch. 9.

[469] Ibid. ch. 15.

[470] 'Carmen de Primordiis Coenobii Gandersh.,' line 273.

[471] 'Carmen de Gestis Oddonis I,' in Opera, edit. Barack, 1858, p. 302.

[472] Agius, Vita et Obitus Hathumodae, ch. 11.

[473] K?pke, R., Deutschlands ?lteste Dichterin, 1869, p. 17.

[474] Harenberg, Historia Ecclesiae Gandersh., 1734, p. 589.

[475] Meibom, H., Rerum German. Script., 1688, vol. 1, p. 706, quoting Selneccer.

[476] Hrotsvith, Opera, edit. Barack, 1858; Ebert, Ad., Allgemeine Geschichte der Litteratur des Abendlandes, 1887, vol. 3, p. 285 ff.

[477] Opera, edit. Barack, Einleitung, p. 6.

[478] Piltz, O., Die Dramen der Roswitha, no date; Magnin, Théatre de Hrotsvitha, 1845.

[479] K?pke, R., Deutschlands ?lteste Dichterin, 1869, p. 28.

[480] Hrotsvith, Opera, edit. Barack, Einleitung, p. 54.

[481] 'Maria,' Opera, p. 7.

[482] Opera, edit. Barack, p. 2.

[483] 'Ascensio Domini,' Opera, p. 37.

[484] Opera, edit. Barack, Einleitung, p. 48.

[485] 'Gongolf,' Opera, p. 43.

[486] Ebert, Allgemeine Geschichte der Litteratur des Abendlandes, 1887, vol. 3, p. 290.

[487] 'Pelagius,' Opera, p. 63.

[488] Ebert, Allgemeine Geschichte der Litteratur des Abendlandes, 1887, vol. 3, p. 295.

[489] 'Theophilus,' Opera, p. 79.

[490] 'Proterius,' Opera, p. 97.

[491] 'Dionysius,' Opera, p. 107.

[492] Ebert, Allgemeine Geschichte der Litteratur des Abendlandes, 1887, vol. 3, p. 300.

[493] 'Agnes,' Opera, p. 117.

[494] Opera, p. 133.

[495] Ebert, Allgemeine Geschichte der Litteratur des Abendlandes, 1887, vol. 3, p. 301.

[496] Opera, p. 95.

[497] Opera, p. 137.

[498] Hudson, W. H., 'Hrotsvitha of Gandersheim,' English Historical Review, 1888.

[499] 'Gallicanus,' Opera, p. 143.

[500] Ebert, Allgemeine Geschichte der Litteratur des Abendlandes, 1887, vol. 3, p. 316.

[501] 'Dulcetius,' Opera, p. 174.

[502] 'Calimachus,' Opera, p. 191.

[503] Ebert, Allgemeine Geschichte der Litteratur des Abendlandes, 1887, vol. 3, p. 321.

[504] 'Abraham,' Opera, p. 213.

[505] Ebert, Allgemeine Geschichte der Litteratur des Abendlandes, 1887, vol. 3, p. 323.

[506] 'Paphnutius,' Opera, p. 237.

[507] Piltz, O., Dramen der Roswitha (no date), p. 178, refers to Bo?thius, In Categorias Aristotelis, liber 1, 'de substantia'; and to De musica, liber 1.

[508] The ancient course of university study included the seven 'liberal arts' and was divided into the Trivium including grammar, dialectic and rhetoric, and the Quadrivium including arithmetic, geometry, astronomy and music. The Trivium was sometimes designated as logic and the Quadrivium as physic.

[509] 'Sapientia,' Opera, p. 27.

[510] Piltz, Die Dramen der Roswitha, p. 181, refers to Bo?thius, De Arithmetica, liber 1, cc. 9-22.

[511] 'who favoured and improved these works before they were sent forth,' additional words of some manuscripts; Opera, edit. Barak, p. 140 footnote.

[512] Ebert, Allgemeine Geschichte der Litteratur des Abendlandes, 1887, vol. 3, p. 305.

[513] Ebert, Allgemeine Geschichte der Litteratur des Abendlandes, 1887, vol. 3, p. 311.

[514] K?pke, Die ?lteste deutsche Dichterin, 1869.

[515] Comp. Allgemeine Deutsche Biographie, article 'Roswitha.'

[516] Labbé, Sacror. Concil. Collectio, 1763, years 789, 804, 811; Helyot, Histoire des ordres monastiques, 1714, vol. 5, p. 146 ff.

[517] Matth. Paris, Historia Major Angliae, sub anno.

[518] Helyot, Histoire des ordres monastiques, 1714, vol. 5, pp. 184 ff.; Ladewig, Poppo von Stablo und die Klosterreform unter den Saliern, 1883.

[519] Wulfstan, edit. Napier, Arthur, Berlin 1883, p. 156.

[520] Tanner, T., Notitia monastica, edit. Nasmith, 1787, Introduction, p. ix.

[521] Helyot, Histoire des ordres monastiques, 1714, vol. 5, pp. 341 ff.; A. SS. Boll., St Stephanus abbas, April 17.

[522] Janauschek, L., Origines Cisterciensium, 1877.

[523] Dialogus inter Clun. et Cist. in Martène and Durand's Thesaurus nov. Anecdot. Paris, 1717, vol. 5, p. 1568.

[524] Jacopo di Vitriaco, Historia Occidentalis, 1597, c. 15.

[525] Helyot, Histoire des ordres monastiques, 1714, vol. 5, pp. 375, 468 ff.

[526] Hermannus, De Mirac. St Mariae Laudun. (in Migne, Patrol. Cursus completus, vol. 156), p. 1002.

[527] Brunner, S., Ein Cisterzienserbuch, 1881, p. 612.

[528] Helyot, Histoire des ordres monastiques, 1714, vol. 5, p. 376.

[529] Birch, W. de Gray, On the Date of Foundation ascribed to the Cistercian Abbeys of Great Britain, 1870.

[530] Dugdale, Monasticon, 'Rivaulx,' vol. 5, p. 274.

[531] Ibid. 'Fountains,' vol. 5, p. 292, nrs I-XI.

[532] A. SS. Boll., St Robertus, Feb. 25, contains two accounts of his life, the one by Baldric (? 1130), the other by Andrea. Comp. also Helyot, Hist, des ordres mon., 1714, vol. 6, pp. 83 ff.

[533] Differing from settlements of the Gilbertine order, in which there were lay sisters also.

[534] Helyot, Histoire des ordres monastiques, 1714, vol. 2, pp. 156 ff. 'Leben des heil. Norbert' (written before 1155) transl. by Hertel in Pertz, Geschichtsschreiber der deutschen Vorzeit.

[535] Helyot, Histoire des ordres monastiques, 1714, vol. 2, p. 175; Jacopo di Vitriaco, Historia occidentalis, 1597, ch. 15.

[536] Gonzague, Monastère de Storrington, 1884, p. 8.

[537] They were Brodholm and Irford.

[538] § 3 of this chapter.

[539] 'Peregrinatio Relig. ergo.'

[540] Helyot, Histoire des ordres monastiques, 1714, vol. 2, pp. 11 ff.

[541] Tanner, J., Notitia Monastica edit. Nasmith, 1787, Introd. XI.

[542] Rohrbacher, Histoire universelle de l'église catholique, 1868, vol. 6, p. 252.

[543] Labbé, C., Sacror. Conc. Collectio, 1763, year 816, part 2.

[544] Helyot, Histoire des ordres monastiques, 1714, vol. 2, p. 55.

[545] Hugonin, 'Essai sur la fondation de l'école St Victor à Paris,' printed as an introduction to Hugo de St Victore, Opera (in Migne, Patrologiae Cursus Compl. vol. 175).

[546] Comp. below, ch. 9, § 1.

[547] Norgate, Kate, History of the Angevin Kings, 1887, vol. 1, p. 66.

[548] Idung, De quatuor questionibus in Pez, B., Thesaurus anecdot. nov. 1721, vol. 2.

[549] Helyot, Histoire des ordres monastiques, 1714, vol. 7, pp. 366, 406. Jacopo di Vitriaco, Historia Occidentalis, 1597, c. 15.

[550] Giraldus Cambrensis, Speculum Ecclesiae, edit. Brewer, 1873.

[551] Map, W., De Nugis Curialium (written 1182-89), 1850, p. 38.

[552] John of Salisbury, Polycraticus, edit. Giles, bk. VII. chs. 21-23.

[553] Wirecker, N., Brunellus, 1662, p. 83.

[554] Goldsmid, Political Songs, vol. 2, p. 64.

[555] Freeman, Norman Conquest, 3rd edit. 1877, vol. 2, p. 609.

[556] Ibid. p. 554; Map, De Nugis Curialium, 1850, p. 201 (Freeman: Map like other Norman writers speaks very ill of Godwin).

[557] Dugdale, Monasticon, vol. 6, p. 1618 (p. 1619 he says in connection with the destroyed nunnery Woodchester that the wife of Earl Godwin built it to make amends for her husband's fraud at Berkley).

[558] Dugdale, Monasticon, 'Shaftesbury,' vol. 2, p. 470.

[559] Ibid. 'Nunnaminster,' vol. 2, p. 451.

[560] Ibid. 'Barking,' vol. 1, p. 436.

[561] Ibid. 'Shaftesbury,' vol. 2, p. 472. The abbess does not even seem to have been represented (as she was at the Diet abroad).

[562] Ibid. p. 472; and p. 473 footnote.

[563] Dugdale, Monasticon, vol. 1, p. 472.

[564] They were Godstow, Elstow, Malling.

[565] Dugdale, Monasticon, 'Amesbury,' vol. 2, p. 333; Freeman, History of the Norman Conquest (3rd edit. 1877), vol. 2, p. 610; the event is dated 1177; perhaps the letters from John of Salisbury, Epist. edit. Giles, nrs 72, 74, are addressed to the abbess of Amesbury, who was deposed.

[566] Dugdale, Monasticon, 'Sopwell,' vol. 3, p. 362.

[567] Ibid. 'Kilburn,' vol. 3, p. 422.

[568] Ibid. 'St Clement's,' vol. 4, p. 323.

[569] Dugdale, Monasticon, 'Stanford,' vol. 4, p. 257.

[570] Ibid. 'Sinningthwaite,' vol. 5, p. 463.

[571] Ibid. 'Swine,' vol. 5, p. 494, nr 2; 'Nun-Cotham,' vol. 5, p. 676, nr 2.

[572] A. SS. Boll., St Margaret, June 10.

[573] Dict. of Nat. Biography, Christina.

[574] Brand, History of Newcastle, vol. 1, p. 204.

[575] Freeman, History of William Rufus, vol. 2, pp. 596, 682.

[576] Will. of Malmesbury, Gesta Reg. (Rolls Series), pp. 279, 470, 493.

[577] Orderic Vitalis, Eccles. Hist., transl. by Forester, 1847, vol. 3, p. 12.

[578] Eadmer, Historia (Rolls Series), p. 122.

[579] Comp. below, ch. 8, § 2.

[580] Anselm of Canterbury, Epistolae (in Migne, Patrol. Cursus completus, vol. 159), the numeration of which is followed in the text.

[581] Hilarius, Versus et ludi, edit. Champollion-Figeac, 1838, p. 1. (Champollion prints Clinton, which he no doubt misread for Winton.)

[582] Milner, J., History of Winchester, 1823, vol. 1, p. 212.

[583] Dugdale, Monasticon, 'Wherwell,' vol. 2, p. 634.

[584] Ibid. 'St Mary's Abbey,' vol. 2, p. 452.

[585] Ibid. 'Lillechurch,' vol. 4, p. 378, charter nr 2.

[586] Ibid. 'Rumsey,' vol. 2, p. 506.

[587] Norgate, Kate, History of the Angevin Kings, 1887, vol. 1, p. 469.

[588] Beket, Epistolae (in Migne, Patrol. Cursus compl., vol. 190), nr 196.

[589] Petrus Blesiensis, Epistolae, edit. Giles, letters nrs 35, 36, 55, 239.

[590] A. SS. Boll., St Gilbert, Feb. 4, contain two short lives; Dugdale, Monasticon, vol. 6 inserted between pp. 946, 947, contains a longer account, the 'Institutiones,' and various references to Gilbert; Dict. of Nat. Biography refers to a MS. account at Oxford, Digby, 36, Bodleian.

[591] Helyot, Histoire des ordres mon., 1714, vol. 2, p. 190.

[592] Dict. of Nat. Biography.

[593] A. SS. Boll., St Gilbert, Feb. 4, Vita, nr 2, ch. 3; Dugdale, Vita, p. xi.

[594] The 'precentrix' is strictly speaking the leader of the choir. Cf. below ch. 10 § 2.

[595] Dugdale, Institutiones, p. lxxxii.

[596] Dict. of Nat. Biography.

[597] Ailred, Opera (in Migne, Patrol. Cursus comp., vol. 195), p. 789. 'De sanctimoniali de Wattun.'

[598] Oliver, G., History of Beverley and Watton, 1829, p. 520 ff.; cf. above, p. 91.

[599] Dugdale, Monasticon, vol. 6, p. xcviii.

[600] Report in Athenaeum, Oct. 7, 1893.

[601] Oliver, G., History of Beverley and Watton, 1829, p. 531.

[602] Wattenbach, W., Schriftwesen im Mittelalter, 2nd edit. 1875, p. 374.

[603] Bock, F., Geschichte der liturg. Gew?nder, 3 vols. 1866-71, vol. 1, p. 214.

[604] Cf. above, p. 122.

[605] Cf. above, pp. 122, 132.

[606] Cf. above, p. 109.

[607] Cf. above, p. 106.

[608] Michel, F., étoffes de soie au moyen age, 1852, vol. 2, p. 339, contains this and other references.

[609] Eddi, Vita Wilfredi, c. 65 (it is unknown over which house she presided).

[610] Cf. above, p. 63.

[611] Haddon and Stubbs, Councils and Ecclesiastical Documents, 1869.

[612] Cf. above, pp. 103, 115, 198, and below, ch. 11, § 1.

[613] Bock, F., Geschichte der liturg. Gew?nder, 1866, vol. 1, p. 142.

[614] Michel, F., étoffes de soie pendant le moyen age, 1852, vol. 2, p. 340.

[615] Wharton, Anglia Sacra, vol. 1, p. 607.

[616] Michel, F., étoffes de soie pendant le moyen age, 1852, vol. 2, p. 338.

[617] Dugdale, Monasticon, 'St Albans,' vol. 2, p. 186 footnote.

[618] Middleton, J. H., Illuminated MSS., 1892, p. 112.

[619] For example in the South Kensington Museum, nr 594-1884, Italian chasuble; nr 1321-1864, panel of canvas, from Bock's Collection (Descriptive Catalogue of Tapestry and Embroidery, 1888).

[620] Bock, F., Geschichte der liturg. Gew?nder, 1866, vol. 1, p. 209, suggests that gold plaques may have been sewn into the work.

[621] Cf. South Kensington Museum, nr 28-1892, a number of fragments of textile linen worked over in coloured silks and gold thread with scenes taken from the life of the Virgin. English work of the 14th century (Descriptive Catalogue of Tapestry and Embroidery, 1888).

[622] Michel, F., étoffes de soie pendant le moyen age, 1852, vol. 2, p. 337, points out that the expression 'opus anglicum' was applied also to the work of the goldsmith; comp. Ducange, Glossarium, 'Anglicum.' 'Loculus ille mirificus ... argento et auro gemmisque, anglico opere subtilitater ac pulcherrime decoratus.'

[623] Historia Major Angliae, sub anno.

[624] South Kensington Museum, nr 83-1864 (Descriptive Catalogue of Tapestry and Embroidery, 1888).

[625] Ibid. p. 168.

[626] A. SS. Boll., St Eustadiola, June 8. Vita, ch. 3.

[627] A. SS. Boll., SS. Herlindis et Renild, March 22, ch. 5 (videlicet nendo et texendo, creando ac suendo, in auro quoque ac margaritis in serico componendo).

[628] Ibid. ch. 12 (palliola ... multis modis variisque compositionibus diversae artis innumerabilibus ornamentis).

[629] Stadler and Heim, Vollst?ndiges Heiligenlexicon, 1858, 'Harlindis.'

[630] Zeitschrift für Christl. Archaeologie, edit. Schnuetgen, 1856, 'Münsterkirche in Essen,' 1860, Beitr?ge.

[631] Labarte, Arts industriels au moyen age, 1872, vol. 1, p. 341.

[632] Ibid. vol. 1, p. 84.

[633] Fritsch, Geschichte des Reichstifts Quedlinburg, 1828, vol. 2, p. 326.

[634] Bock, F., Geschichte der liturg. Gew?nder, 1866, vol. 1, p. 155.

[635] Schultz, A., H?fisches Leben zur Zeit der Minnesinger, 1889, cites many passages from the epics which refer to embroidery worn by heroes and heroines. A piece of work of special beauty described vol. 1, p. 326, had been made by an apostate nun.

[636] Ekkehard IV., c. 10, in Pertz, Mon. Germ. Scriptores, vol. 2, p. 123.

[637] Erath, Codex diplom. Quedliburg., 1764, p. 109.

[638] Brunner, S., Kunstgenossen der Klosterzelle, 1863, vol. 2, p. 555.

[639] Kugler, F., Kleine Schriften, 1853, vol. 1, pp. 635 ff.; part of the hanging is given by Muentz, E., Tapisseries, broderies et dentelles, 1890, plate 2.

[640] Fritsch, Geschichte des Reichstifts Quedlinburg, 1828, vol. 1, p. 121.

[641] Kugler, F., Kleine Schriften, 1853, vol. 1, p. 540.

[642] Büsching, F. G., Reise durch einige Münsterkirchen, 1819, p. 235.

[643] Bock, F., Geschichte der liturg. Gew?nder, 1866, vol. 1, p. 227.

[644] Bock, F., Geschichte der liturg. Gew?nder, 1866, vol. 3, pp. 201 ff.

[645] Ibid. 1866, vol. 3, p. 202.

[646] Hefner, Oberbair. Archiv, 1830, vol. 1, p. 355.

[647] Westermayer in Allgemeine Deutsche Biog., article 'Diemud'; Catalogus Cod. Lat. Bibliothecae Reg. Monac., vol. 7, 1881, nrs 140, 146-154.

[648] Wattenbach, W., Schriftwesen im Mittelalter, 2nd edit. 1875, p. 374.

[649] Ibid. p. 177.

[650] Ibid. p. 304.

[651] Ibid. p. 374.

[652] Middleton, J. H., Illuminated MSS., 1892, p. 216.

[653] Michel, F., étoffes de soie pendant le moyen age, 1852, vol. 2, p. 350.

[654] Reproductions par la Société pour la conservation des monuments de l'Alsace, Sept livraisons containing Plates 1-53 inclusive (till 1895).

[655] Silbermann, J. A., Beschreibung von Hohenburg, 1781.

[656] Roth, K. L., 'Der Odilienberg' in Alsatia, 1856, vol. 1, pp. 91 ff.

[657] Comp. above, pp. 22, 24.

[658] Wiegand, in Allgemeine Deutsche Biographie, article 'Relind.'

[659] It is possible but hardly probable that the miniaturist in colouring the picture gave free play to his fancy.

[660] Gérard, Ch., Les artistes de l'Alsace, 1872, p. 92.

[661] Ibid.; Engelhardt, Herrad von Landsperg und ihr Werk, 1818. p. 16, footnote.

[662] The monument is represented in Schoepflin, Alsatia Illustrata, 1751, vol. 1, ad pag. 797.

[663] Engelhardt, Herrad von Landsperg und ihr Werk, 1818, with sheets of illustrations, which in a few copies are coloured.

[664] Woltman, in Allgemeine Deutsche Biographie, article 'Herrad.'

[665] Engelhardt, Herrad von Landsperg und ihr Werk, 1818, Vorwort p. xi.

[666] Cf. above, p. 180.

[667] Engelhardt, Herrad von Landsperg und ihr Werk, 1818, p. 104.

[668] Piper, F., Kalendarien und Martyrologien der Angelsachsen, 1862.

[669] Apparently following the 'Psychomachia' of Prudentius, a Christian poet of the 5th century.

[670] Gérard, Ch., Les artistes de l'Alsace, 1872, Introd. p. xix., p. 46, footnote.

[671] Probably with reference to Job xxxix., 14-15.

[672] Hildegardis, Opera, 1882 (in Migne, Patrol. Cursus Compl., vol. 197, which contains the acts of the saint reprinted from A. SS. Boll., St Hildegardis, Sept. 17; her life written by Godefrid and Theodor; the 'Acta Inquisitionis'; the article by Dr Reuss, and the fullest collection of the saint's works hitherto published).

[673] Roth, F. W., Die Visionen der heil. Elisabeth und die Schriften von Ekbert und Emecho von Sch?nau, 1884.

[674] 'Annales Palidenses' in Pertz, Mon. Germ. Script., vol. 16, p. 90.

[675] Neander, Der heil. Bernard und seine Zeit, 1848.

[676] Opera (Vita, c. 17), p. 104.

[677] Opera, 'Scivias,' pp. 383-738.

[678] Ibid. (Vita, c. 5), p. 94.

[679] Giesebrecht, W., Geschichte der deutschen Kaiserzeit, vol. 4, p. 505.

[680] Opera (Epist. nr 29), p. 189.

[681] Opera (Responsum), p. 189.

[682] Ibid. 'Epistolae,' pp. 1-382.

[683] Linde, Handschriften der k?nigl. Bibliothek in Wiesbaden, 1877, pp. 19 ff.

[684] Ibid. pp. 53 ff.

[685] Schneegans, W., Kloster Disibodenberg; Schmelzeis, Das Leben und Wirken der heil. Hildegardis, 1879, pp. 45 ff.

[686] Opera (Responsum to Bernard), p. 190.

[687] Ibid. (Vita c. 14), p. 101.

[688] Ibid. (Vita c. 19), p. 105.

[689] Schmelzeis, Das Leben und Wirken der heil. Hildegardis, 1879, p. 53.

[690] Opera (Vita c. 21), p. 106.

[691] Ibid.

[692] Ibid. (Acta Inquisitionis), p. 136.

[693] Ibid. (Epist. nr 4), p. 154.

[694] Opera, p. 383.

[695] Opera (lib. 2, visio 7), p. 555.

[696] Opera (lib. 3, visio 11), p. 709.

[697] Opera (lib. 3, visio 13), p. 733.

[698] Opera (Epist. nr 1), p. 145.

[699] Opera (Responsum), p. 145.

[700] This interpretation is given by Schmelzeis, Das Leben und Wirken der heil. Hildegardis, 1879, p. 157.

[701] Jessen, 'Ueber die medic. naturhist. Werke der heil. Hildegardis,' in Kaiserl. Acad. der Wissenschaften, Wien, Naturwissensch. Abth. vol. 45 (1862), pp. 97 ff.

[702] Opera, 'Physica,' pp. 1117-1352.

[703] Virchow, R., 'Zur Geschichte des Aussatzes, besonders im Mittelalter,' in Archiv für pathol. Anatomie, vol. 18, p. 286.

[704] Haeser, H., Lehrbuch der Geschichte der Medizin, 1875, vol. 1, p. 640.

[705] Jessen, Botanik der Gegenwart und Vorzeit, 1864, pp. 120-127.

[706] Linde, Handschriften der k?nigl. Bibliothek in Wiesbaden, 1877, p. 83; an example of the musical notation as an appendix in Schmelzeis, Das Leben und Wirken der heil. Hildegardis, 1879.

[707] Linde, Handschriften der k?nigl. Bibliothek in Wiesbaden, 1877, p. 78, 'Expositiones Evangeliorum.'

[708] Opera, 'Explanatio regulae St Benedicti,' pp. 1053-1069.

[709] Ibid. 'Explanatio symboli St Athanasii,' pp. 1066-1093.

[710] Linde, Handschriften der k?nigl. Bibliothek in Wiesbaden, 1877, p. 38.

[711] Opera, 'Solutiones triginta octo quaestionum,' pp. 1038-1053.

[712] Linde, Handschriften der k?nigl. Bibliothek in Wiesbaden, 1877, p. 79.

[713] Opera (Epist. nr 12), p. 164.

[714] Ibid. (Epist. nr 6), p. 157.

[715] Ibid. (Epist. nr 11), p. 163.

[716] Opera (Epist. nr 62), p. 281.

[717] Ibid. (Epist. nr 49), p. 253.

[718] Ibid. (Epist. nr 22), p. 178.

[719] Ibid. (Epist. nr 5), p. 156.

[720] Ibid. (Epist. nr 10), p. 161.

[721] Opera (Epist. nr 100), p. 321.

[722] Ibid. (Epist. nr 101), p. 322.

[723] Ibid. (Epist. nr 96), p. 317.

[724] Ibid. (Epist. nr 48), p. 243; cf. below, p. 281.

[725] Ibid. (Vita, c. 44), p. 122; also p. 142 (Reuss here misunderstands the Acta Inquisitionis, p. 138), comp. Schmelzeis, Das Leben und Wirken der heil. Hildegardis, 1879, pp. 538 ff.

[726] Opera, 'Liber divinorum Operum,' pp. 739-1037.

[727] Ibid. (visio 4), pp. 807 ff.

[728] Opera (visio 5, c. 36), p. 934.

[729] Ibid. (visio 5, c. 43), p. 945.

[730] Ibid. (visio 10, c. 25), p. 1026.

[731] Linde, Handschriften der k?nigl. Bibliothek in Wiesbaden, 1877, pp. 95 ff.

[732] Line 1401.

[733] Cf. The Nunns prophesie ... concerning the rise and downfall of ... the ... Jesuits, 1680.

[734] Prédictions sur la révolution de la Belgique. Amsterdam, 1832.

[735] Opera, 'Vita St Rupertis,' pp. 1081-1092.

[736] Ibid. 'Vita St Disibodi,' pp. 1093-1116.

[737] Linde, Handschriften der k?nigl. Bibliothek in Wiesbaden, 1877, p. 75, footnote.

[738] Opera, p. 90; A. SS. Boll. St Hildegardis, Sept. 17.

[739] Schmelzeis, Das Leben und Wirken der heil. Hildegardis, 1879.

[740] Linde, Handschriften der k?nigl. Bibliothek in Wiesbaden, 1877.

[741] Opera, p. 140, footnote.

[742] Roth, F. W. E., Die Visionen der heil. Elisabeth etc. 1884, Vorwort, p. cv.

[743] Roth, Die Visionen der heil. Elisabeth etc. 1884, Vorwort, pp. cvii. ff.

[744] Ibid. 'Liber Visionum primus,' Prologus, p. 1.

[745] Ibid. 'Liber Visionum secundus,' c. 31, p. 53; Anlage, p. 153.

[746] Ibid. 'Liber Viarum Dei,' pp. 88-122.

[747] Ibid. Vorwort, p. cix.

[748] Ibid. 'Liber Viarum Dei,' c. 10, p. 92.

[749] Roth, Die Visionen der heil. Elisabeth etc. 1884, 'Liber Viarum Dei,' c. 13, p. 100.

[750] Ibid. p. 104.

[751] Roth, Die Visionen der heil. Elisabeth etc. 1884, 'Liber Viarum Dei,' c. 20, p. 122.

[752] Ibid. pp. 70, 178.

[753] Ibid. p. 74.

[754] Ibid. 'De Sacro Exercitu Virginum Coloniensium,' pp. 123-153.

[755] Ibid. Vorwort, pp. cxi ff. Roth discusses the history of the development of this legend.

[756] Comp. above, p. 40.

[757] A. SS. Boll., St Ursula, Oct. 21.

[758] Roth, Die Visionen der heil. Elisabeth etc. 1884, Vorwort, p. cxxiv; Hardy, Th. D., Descriptive catalogue of MS. material, 1858, vol. 2, p. 417.

[759] Roth, Die Visionen der heil. Elisabeth etc. 1884, p. 253.

[760] A. SS. Boll., St Elisabetha, June 18.

[761] A. SS. Boll., St Severinus, Jan. 8.

[762] A. SS. Boll., St Magnericus, July 25, Vita, c. 49.

[763] Creighton, C., History of Epidemics in England, vol. 1, 1891, p. 85.

[764] Ibid. p. 97.

[765] Muratori, Antiquitates Italiae, 1738. Pope Hadrian I to Karl the Great, vol. 3, p. 581.

[766] Salles, F., Annales de l'ordre de Malte, ou des hospitaliers de St Jean de Jérusalem, 1889.

[767] Dugdale, Monasticon, 'Hospital of St Gregory,' vol. 6, p. 615, nr 1.

[768] Dugdale, Monasticon, 'Herbaldoun,' vol. 6, p. 653; Creighton, C., History of Epidemics, vol. 1, 1891, p. 87.

[769] Map, W., De Nugis Curialium, 1850, p. 228.

[770] Ailred, Opera (in Migne, Patrol. Cursus Completus, vol. 195), p. 368.

[771] Dugdale, Monasticon, 'St Giles in the Fields,' vol. 6, p. 635.

[772] Creighton, C., History of Epidemics in England, vol. 1, 1891, p. 88.

[773] Hormayr, 'Die Grafen von Andechs und Tyrol,' S?mtl. Werke, vol. 3.

[774] Virchow, R., 'Zur Geschichte des Aussatzes, besonders in Deutschland,' in Archiv für pathol. Anatomie, vol. 18, article 2, p. 311.

[775] Allgemeine deutsche Biographie, article 'Hedwig.'

[776] Stenzel, G. A. H., Scriptores rerum Siles., Breslau 1835, 'Vita St Hedwigis' vol. 2, pp. 1-114; also A. SS. Boll., St Hedwig, Oct. 17.

[777] Verein für das Museum schles. Alterthümer, edit. Luchs, H., 1870. Also Luchs, H., Schlesische Fürstenbilder, 1872.

[778] Virchow, R., 'Zur Geschichte des Aussatzes, besonders in Deutschland,' in Archiv für pathol. Anatomie, vol. 18, article 2, p. 275.

[779] Wolfskron, Bilder der Hedwigslegende, 1846.

[780] Stenzel, G. A. H., Scriptores rer. Siles., 1835, 'Vita Annae ducissae Sil.' vol. 2, p. 127.

[781] A. SS. Boll., St Agnes de Bohemia, March 6, print two accounts, of uncertain date.

[782] A. SS. Boll., Ibid., print these letters.

[783] A. SS. Boll., Ibid., Vita 1, ch. 32.

[784] Montalembert, C., Histoire de Ste Elisabeth de Hongrie, duchesse de Thuringe, edition de luxe 1878, with preface by Gautier, contains reproductions of some of those pictures; Potthast, A., Wegweiser, enumerates a number of accounts of the life of St Elisabeth.

[785] Rieger, L., prints this 'Leben der heil. Elisabeth' in Literarisch. Verein, 1843, and discusses early MS. accounts of her life.

[786] Justi, C. W., Elisabeth, die Heilige, 1797.

[787] Montalembert, C., Histoire de Ste Elisabeth de Hongrie, 1836, 7th edit. 1855.

[788] Wegele, F. X., 'Die heil. Elisabeth von Thüringen' in Sybel, Historische Zeitschrift, 1861, pp. 351-397, which I have followed in the text.

[789] Virchow, R., 'Zur Geschichte des Aussatzes, besonders in Deutschland,' in Archiv für pathol. Anatomie, vol. 18, article 2, p. 313.

[790] Allgemeine deutsche Biographie, article 'Konrad von Marburg.'

[791] Hauréau, Histoire de la philosophie scolastique, 1850, vol. 1, pp. 319 ff.

[792] Dictionary of National Biography, article 'Hales, Thomas.'

[793] 'A luve ron,' edit. Morris, Old English Miscellany, p. 93, for the Early Engl. Text Soc. 1872.

[794] Edit. Morton for the Camden Soc. 1853.

[795] 'Die angels?chsischen Prosabearbeitungen der Benedictinerregel,' edit. Schr?er, 1885 (in Grein, Bibliothek der angels. Prosa, vol. 2), p. 9.

[796] Schr?er, Winteney Version der Regula St Benedicti, 1888, p. 13.

[797] 'De vita eremetica' (in Migne, Patrol. Cursus Compl., vol. 32, by an oversight it is included among the works of St Augustine), p. 145.

[798] Anselm, Opera (in Migne, Patrol. Cursus Compl., vol. 158), 'Meditationes' (nr 15-17), pp. 786 ff.

[799] Edit. Koelbing, Englische Studien, vol. 7, p. 304.

[800] Scenes and characters of the Middle Ages, 1872, pp. 93-151.

[801] Wilkins, D., Concilia, 1737, vol. 1, p. 693.

[802] Brink, B. ten, Early English Literature, trans. Kennedy, 1883, p. 205.

[803] First advanced by Morton, Ancren Riwle, Introd. pp. xii-xv; it is supported neither by tradition nor by documentary evidence.

[804] Dalgairns, Introd. to Hylton, Scale of Perfection, 1870, thinks it possible that the author was a Dominican friar.

[805] Comp. throughout Ancren Riwle, edit. Morton for the Camden Soc. 1853.

[806] That is bands or ligatures to be used after the letting of blood.

[807] Old English Homilies, First Series, edit. Morris, 1867, p. 268.

[808] Hali Meidenhad, edit. Cockayne, for the Early English Text Soc., 1866.

[809] Comp. Revelationes Gertrudianae ac Mechtildianae, edit. Oudin, for the Benedictines of Solesmes 1875, 2 vols., which contain the works of these three nuns; Mechthild von Magdeburg, Offenbarungen, oder Das Fliessende Licht der Gottheit, edit. Gall Morel, 1869; Preger, W., Geschichte der deutschen Mystik im Mittelalter, 1874, vol. 1, pp. 70-132.

[810] Revelationes, etc. edit. Oudin, vol. 1, Praefatio.

[811] Ibid. vol. 1, pp. 497 ff.

[812] Comp. Preger, 'Dante's Matelda,' Acad. Vortrag, 1873; Paquelin and Scartazzini, 'Zur Matelda-Frage' in Jahrbuch der Dante Gesellschaft, Berlin, 1877, pp. 405, 411; Lubin, Osservazioni sulla Matilda svelata, 1878.

[813] Allgemeine Deutsche Biographie, article 'Mechthild' by Strauch, Ph.

[814] Keller, L., Die Reformation und die ?lteren Reformparteien, 1885, pp. 29 ff.; also Hallman, E., Geschichte des Ursprungs der Beguinen, 1843.

[815] Mechthild von Magdeburg, Offenbarungen, oder Das Fliessende Licht der Gottheit, edit. Gall Morel, 1869; the abridged Latin version in Revelationes, etc. edit. Oudin, vol. 2, pp. 423-710.

[816] Heinrich not to be confounded with Heinrich who translated her work.

[817] Revelationes, etc. edit. Oudin, vol. 2, pp. 298, 329, 332, etc.

[818] Ibid. vol. 1, p. 542; vol. 2, pp. 325, 330.

[819] Mechthild, Offenbarungen, etc. edit. Gall Morel, p. 3 'Wie die minne und die kuneginne zesamene sprachen.'

[820] Ibid. p. 6 'Von den megden der seele und von der minne schlage.'

[821] Ibid. p. 18 'Von der minne weg,' etc.

[822] Mechthild, Offenbarungen, p. 43 'Wie die minne vraget,' etc.

[823] Ibid. p. 38 'Wie die bekantnisse und die sele sprechent zesamne,' etc.

[824] Ibid. p. 232 'Wie bekantnisse sprichet zu dem gewissede.'

[825] Ibid. p. 30 'Von der armen dirnen' (I have retained the designation 'saint' where it is used in the allegory).

[826] Mechthild, Offenbarungen, p. 210 'Da Johannes Baptista der armen dirnen messe sang.'

[827] Ibid. p. 46 'Wie sich die minnende sele gesellet gotte,' etc.

[828] Ibid. p. 82 'Von der helle,' etc.

[829] Ibid. p. 270 'Ein wenig von dem paradyso.'

[830] Mechthild, Offenbarungen, p. 52 'Von diseme buche,' etc.

[831] Ibid. p. 90 'Dis buch ist von gotte komen,' etc.

[832] Mechthild, Offenbarungen, p. 110 'Von einer vrowe, etc.'

[833] Ibid. p. 68 'Von siben dingen die alle priester sollent haben.'

[834] Ibid. p. 171 'Wie ein prior, etc.'; p. 177 'Von der regele eines kanoniken, etc.'; p. 178 'Got gebet herschaft.'

[835] Ibid. p. 198 'Wie b?se pfafheit sol genidert werden.'

[836] Revelationes, etc. edit. Oudin, vol. 2, p. 524.

[837] Mechthild, Offenbarungen, p. 115 'Von sehs tugenden St Domenicus'; p. 116 'Dur sehszehen ding hat got predierorden liep'; ibid. 'Von vierhande crone bruder Heinrichs'; p. 154 'Von sehsleie kleider, etc.'

[838] Ibid. p. 166 'Von funfleie nuwe heligen.'

[839] A. SS. Boll., St Peter of the Dominican Order, April 29.

[840] Ibid., St Jutta vidua, May 5, appendix.

[841] Mechthild, Offenbarungen, p. 256 'Wie ein predierbruder wart gesehen.'

[842] Mechthild, Offenbarungen, p. 243 'Von der not eines urluges.'

[843] Ibid. p. 249 'Von einem geistlichen closter.'

[844] Comp. below, ch. 11, § 1.

[845] Mechthild, Offenbarungen, p. 68 'Von dem angenge aller dinge'; p. 107 'Von der heligen drivaltekeit, etc.'; p. 147 'Von sante marien gebet, etc.'

[846] Ibid. p. 14 'In disen weg zuhet die sele, etc.'

[847] Ibid. p. 16 'Von der pfrunde trost und minne.'

[848] Mechthild, Offenbarungen, p. 98 'Von zwein ungeleichen dingen, etc.'

[849] Ibid. p. 214 'Bekorunge, die welt und ein gut ende prüfent uns.'

[850] 'Liber Specialis Gratiae,' in Revelationes, etc. edit. Oudin, vol. 2, pp. 1-421.

[851] Revelationes, etc. edit. Oudin, vol. 2, p. 727.

[852] Preger, W., Geschichte der deutschen Mystik im Mittelalter, 1874, vol. 1, p. 87.

[853] Revelationes, etc. edit. Oudin, vol. 2 ('Liber Specialis Gratiae,' bk 1, ch. 30, De angelis), p. 102.

[854] Revelationes, etc. edit. Oudin, vol. 2 ('Liber Specialis Gratiae,' bk 2, ch. 2, De vinea domini), p. 137.

[855] Cf. Gal. v. 22-3, to which Mechthild adds.

[856] Revelationes, etc. edit. Oudin, vol. 2 ('Liber Specialis Gratiae,' bk 1, ch. 10, De veneratione imaginis Christi), p. 31.

[857] Ibid. vol. 2 ('Liber Specialis Gratiae,' bk 2, ch. 23, De coquina domini), p. 165.

[858] Revelationes, etc. edit. Oudin, vol. 2 (bk 2, ch. 43, De nomine et utilitate hujus libri), p. 192.

[859] Ibid. vol. 1, pp. 46, 269.

[860] Ibid. vol. 1, p. 218.

[861] Revelationes, etc. edit. Oudin, vol. 1, pp. 1 ff. on her life.

[862] Ibid. vol. 1, p. 14.

[863] Ibid. vol. 1, p. 23.

[864] Ibid. vol. 1, p. 227.

[865] Ibid. vol. 1, p. 27.

[866] Ibid. vol. 1, p. 39.

[867] 'Legatus Divinae Pietatis' in Revelationes, etc. edit. Oudin, vol. 1, pp. 1 ff.

[868] 'Legatus Divinae Pietatis' in Revelationes, etc. edit. Oudin, vol. 1, p. 61.

[869] Revelationes, etc. edit. Oudin, vol. 1, p. 113.

[870] Revelationes, etc. edit. Oudin, vol. 1, p. 351.

[871] Preger, W., Geschichte der deutschen Mystik im Mittelalter, 1874, vol. 1, p. 78.

[872] 'Exercitia Spiritualia,' in Revelationes, etc. edit. Oudin, vol. 1, pp. 617-720.

[873] Ibid. pp. 701 ff.

[874] Dugdale, Monasticon, 'Rumsey,' vol. 2, p. 507 footnote.

[875] Ibid. 'Davington,' vol. 4, p. 288.

[876] Ibid. 'Sopwell,' vol. 3, p. 365, charter nr 7.

[877] Jusserand, J., Histoire littéraire du Peuple Anglais, 1894, pp. 121 ff., 235 ff.

[878] Romania, edit. Meyer et Paris, vol. 13, p. 400.

[879] Dugdale, Monasticon, 'Ankerwyke,' vol. 4, p. 229, charter nr 4.

[880] Dugdale, Monasticon, 'Shaftesbury,' vol. 2, p. 471, charter nr 21.

[881] Ibid. 'Barking,' vol. 1, p. 441.

[882] Ibid. 'Legh,' vol. 6, p. 333, footnote t. MS. Harleian 3660.

[883] Bateson, M., 'Register of Crabhouse Nunnery' (no date), Norfolk and Norwich Arch?ol. Society.

[884] Dugdale, Monasticon, 'Littlemore,' vol. 4, p. 490, charter nr 14.

[885] Koelbing, Englische Studien, vol. 2, pp. 60 ff.

[886] This supposition is based on certain peculiarities in the language of the rule for men. Cf. 'Die angels?chsischen Prosabearbeitungen der Benedictinerregel,' edit. Schr?er, 1885 (in Grein, Bibliotek der angels. Prosa, vol. 2) Einleitung, p. xviii.

[887] Dugdale, Monasticon, 'Godstow,' vol. 4, p. 357, charter nr 23.

[888] Lansdowne MS. 436.

[889] Early English Text Soc., nr 100. Arundel MS. 396.

[890] Dugdale, Monasticon, 'Kilburn,' vol. 3, p. 424.

[891] Blaauw, W. H., 'Episcopal visitations of the Benedictine nunnery of Easebourne' in Sussex Arch. Collections, vol. 9, p. 12. According to Bradshaw, H., 'Note on service books' (printed as an appendix in Middleton, J. H., Illuminated Manuscripts, 1892) the missal was used for celebration of the mass; while the breviary contained the services for the hours, including the antiphony (anthems to the psalms)-the legenda (long lessons used at matins),-the psalter (psalms arranged for use at hours),-and the collects (short lessons used at all the hours except matins). In the list above, these are enumerated as separate books. He further says that the ordinale contained general rules for the right understanding and use of the service books. It is noteworthy that this is in French in the list of books at Easebourne.

[892] Maskell, W., Monumenta Ritualia, 1882, vol. 3, p. 357 footnotes.

[893] Placita de Quo Warranto published by Command.

[894] Placita de Quo Warranto, pp. 11, 97, 232, 233.

[895] Dugdale, Monasticon, 'Malling,' vol. 3, p. 381, charter nr 5.

[896] Ibid. 'Stratford,' vol. 4, p. 119, charter nr 3.

[897] Ibid. 'Wroxhall,' vol. 4, p. 88.

[898] Ibid. 'Redlingfield,' vol. 4, p. 25, charter nr 2.

[899] Gasquet, A., Henry VIII and the English Monasteries, 1888, appendices to vols. 1 and 2.

[900] The word 'mynchyn' was I believe never applied to them.

[901] Holstenius, Codex regularum, 1759, vol. 3, p. 34.

[902] Cf. above, p. 204.

[903] Dugdale, Monasticon, 'Shaftesbury,' vol. 2, p. 473.

[904] Dugdale, Monasticon, 'St Mary Prée,' vol. 3, p. 353, charter nr 9.

[905] Ibid. 'Shaftesbury,' vol. 2, p. 474.

[906] Blaauw, W. H., 'Episcopal Visitations of the Benedictine Nunnery of Easebourne,' Sussex Arch?ol. Collections, vol. 9, p. 7.

[907] Dugdale, Monasticon, 'St Mary Winchester,' vol. 2, p. 452, footnote.

[908] Ibid. 'Shaftesbury,' vol. 2, p. 473.

[909] Ibid. 'Barking,' vol. 1, p. 441, charter nr 8.

[910] Schr?er, Winteney Version der regula St Benedicti, 1888, p. 16.

[911] Edit. Koelbing, Englische Studien, vol. 2, pp. 60 ff. (line references in the text throughout this section are to this version).

[912] Shermann, A. J., Hist. Coll. Jesus Cantab., edit. Halliwell, 1840, p. 16.

[913] Dugdale, Monasticon, 'Langley,' vol. 4, p. 220.

[914] Maskell, W., Monumenta Ritualia, 1882, vol. 3, p. 358 footnote.

[915] Cf. above, p. 206.

[916] Dugdale, Monasticon, 'Catesby,' vol. 4, p. 635.

[917] Dugdale, Monasticon, 'Bromhall,' vol. 4, p. 506.

[918] Jessopp, A., Visitations of the Diocese of Norwich (1492-1532), pp. 185, 190, 318.

[919] Dugdale, Monasticon, 'Wilton,' vol. 2, p. 317.

[920] Benedictus, Regula, c. 65 (in Migne, Patrol. Cursus Compl. vol. 66).

[921] Dugdale, Monasticon, 'Barking,' vol. 1, p. 437, footnote k.

[922] Dugdale, Monasticon, 'Barking,' vol. 1, p. 445 Computus.

[923] Dugdale, Monasticon, charter nr 15.

[924] I am unable to ascertain the quantity indicated by the 'piece.'

[925] I am unable to ascertain the difference between 'stubbe' and 'shafte.'

[926] Rogers, Th., Six Centuries of Work and Wages, 1884, p. 101.

[927] Dugdale, Monasticon, 'St Mary's, Winchester,' vol. 2, p. 451, charter nr 4.

[928] Jessopp, A., Visitations of the Diocese of Norwich (1492-1532), p. 290.

[929] Dugdale, Monasticon, 'Shaftesbury,' vol. 2, p. 472.

[930] Ibid. 'St Mary, Winchester,' vol. 2, p. 451, charter nr 4.

[931] Ibid. 'Kilburn,' vol. 3, p. 424.

[932] Blaauw, W. A., 'Episcopal Visitations of the Benedictine Nunnery of Easebourne,' Sussex Arch. Collections, vol. 9, p. 15.

[933] Jessopp, A., Visitations of the Diocese of Norwich (1492-1532), p. 138.

[934] Dugdale, Monasticon, 'Elstow,' vol. 3, p. 411, charter nr 8.

[935] Ibid. 'Barking,' vol. 1, p. 438, footnote b.

[936] 'Here begynneth a matere' etc. (by John Alcock (?)), printed by Wynkyn de Worde (1500), last page but one.

[937] Six Centuries of Work and Wages, 1884, p. 166.

[938] Rye, W., Carrow Abbey, 1889, p. 48 ff.

[939] Skelton, Poetical Works, 1843, vol. 1, p. 51, 'Phyllyp Sparowe.'

[940] Dugdale, Monasticon, 'Rumsey,' vol. 2, p. 507, footnote p.

[941] Jessopp, A., Visitations of the Diocese of Norwich (1492-1532), p. 140.

[942] Dugdale, Monasticon, 'St Helen's,' vol. 4, p. 551, charter nr 3.

[943] Ibid. 'Barking,' vol. 1, p. 437, footnote m.

[944] Fosbroke, British Monachism, 1843, p. 176.

[945] Way, A., 'Notices of the Benedictine Priory of St Mary Magdalen, at Rusper,' Sussex Arch. Collections, vol. 5, p. 256.

[946] Bateson, M., 'Visitations of Archbishop Warham in 1511,' in English Hist. Review, vol. 6, 1891, p. 28.

[947] Maskell, W., Monumenta Rit., 1882, vol. 3, p. 331, 'The order of consecration of Nuns,' from Cambridge Fol. Mm. 3. 13, and Lansdown MS., 388; p. 360 'The manner to make a Nun,' from Cotton MS., Vespasian A. 25, fol. 12.

[948] Dugdale, Monasticon, 'Chatteris,' vol. 2, p. 614.

[949] Way, A., 'Notices of the Benedictine Priory of St Mary Magdalen at Rusper,' Sussex Arch. Collections, vol. 5, p. 256.

[950] Comp. Smith and Cheetham, Dictionary of Christian Antiquities, 1875, article 'Hours of Prayer.'

[951] Aungier, G. J., History and Antiquities of Syon, 1840; Myroure of Oure Ladye, Early English Text Soc., 1873, Introduction by Blunt, J. H.

[952] Hammerich, Den hellige Birgitta, 1863.

[953] A. SS. Boll., St Birgitta vidua, Oct. 8.

[954] Myroure of Oure Ladye, Introd. p. xiv.

[955] Gasquet, A., Henry VIII and the English Monasteries, 1888, vol. 1, p. 42.

[956] Dugdale, Monasticon, 'Amesbury,' vol. 1, p. 333.

[957] Ibid. 'Westwood,' vol. 6, p. 1004.

[958] Ibid. 'Levenestre,' vol. 6, p. 1032.

[959] Aungier, G. J., History and Antiquities of Syon, 1840, p. 249 ff., from Arundel MS. nr 146 (chapter references throughout the text in this chapter are to this reprint).

[960] Myroure of Oure Ladye, Introd. p. xxxv.

[961] Aungier, G. J., History and Antiquities of Syon, 1840, pp. 312 ff., from Additional MS. nr 5208.

[962] Aungier, G. J., History and Antiquities of Syon, 1840, pp. 405 ff. 'A table of signs.'

[963] Myroure of Oure Ladye, Introd. p. xxvi.

[964] Myroure of Oure Ladye, Introd. p. xxix.

[965] Aungier, G. J., History and Antiquities of Syon, 1840, p. 421, 'Indulgentia monasterii de Syon,' MS. Ashmol. nr 750; p. 422, 'The Pardon of the monastery of Shene which is Syon,' MS. Harleian 4012, art. 9.

[966] Ibid. p. 426, footnotes.

[967] Myroure of Oure Ladye, Introd. p. xlv. B. M. Addit. MS., nr 22285.

[968] Printed by Wynkyn de Worde (?), 1526; reprinted for the Bradshaw Society, 1893.

[969] Aungier, G. J., History and Antiquities of Syon, 1840, p. 529. MS. Harleian 2321, fol. 17 ff.

[970] Ibid. p. 527.

[971] Ibid. p. 527.

[972] Ibid. p. 526.

[973] Myroure of Oure Ladye, Introd. p. ix.

[974] Ibid. p. 2.

[975] Myroure of Oure Ladye, pp. 65 ff.

[976] Dugdale, Monasticon, 'Godstow,' vol. 4, p. 357, Charter nr 16.

[977] Ibid. 'St Radegund's,' vol. 4, p. 215, Charter nr 3.

[978] Ducange, 'burnetum, pannus ex lana tincta confectus.'

[979] Dugdale, Monasticon, 'Rumsey,' vol. 2, p. 507, footnote p.

[980] Ibid. 'Swine,' vol. 5, p. 493.

[981] Ibid. 'Sopwell,' vol. 3, p. 362, charter nr 7.

[982] Ibid. 'Chatteris,' vol. 2, p. 614, charter nr 11.

[983] Ibid. 'Nun-Monkton,' vol. 4, p. 192, charter nr 2.

[984] Gasquet, A., The Great Pestilence, 1893, Introd. p. xvi.

[985] Dugdale, Monasticon, 'Thetford,' vol. 4, p. 475.

[986] Jessopp, A., Visitations of the Diocese of Norwich, 1492-1532, pp. 90, 155.

[987] Dugdale, Monasticon, 'Malling,' vol. 3, p. 382; Gasquet, A., The Great Pestilence, 1893, pp. 104, 106.

[988] Gasquet, p. 137.

[989] Dugdale, Monasticon, 'Wyrthorp,' vol. 4, p. 266.

[990] Ibid. 'Seton,' vol. 4, p. 226, charter nr 2.

[991] Ibid. 'St Sepulchre's,' vol. 4, p. 413, footnote l.

[992] Way, A., 'Notices of the Benedictine Priory of St Mary Magdalen at Rusper,' Sussex Arch?ol. Collections, vol. 5, p. 244; Dugdale, Monasticon, 'Rusper,' vol. 4, p. 586.

[993] Blaauw, W. H., 'Episcopal Visitations of the Priory of Easebourne,' Sussex Arch?ol. Collections, vol. 9, pp. 1-32; Dugdale, Monasticon, 'Easebourn,' vol. 4, p. 423.

[994] Dugdale, Monasticon, 'Sele,' vol. 4, p. 668.

[995] Dugdale, Monasticon, 'St John's,' vol. 6, p. 678.

[996] Ibid. 'Selbourne,' vol. 6, p. 510.

[997] Gasquet, A., Henry VIII. and the English Monasteries, 1888, vol. 1, p. 52.

[998] Wilkins, D., Concilia, 1737, vol. 3, pp. 413, 419, 462.

[999] Dugdale, Monasticon, 'St Albans,' vol. 2, p. 205.

[1000] Wilkins, D., Concilia, 1737, vol. 3, p. 390.

[1001] Ibid. 1737, vol. 3, p. 630.

[1002] Ibid. Year 1490, vol. 3, p. 632. Froude without taking into consideration the circumstances under which this letter was penned takes its contents as conclusive evidence of the abuses of the monastic system at the time of the Reformation. Comp. History of England, 1893, vol. 2, p. 304; Life and Letters of Erasmus, 1894, p. 18.

[1003] Newcome, P., History of the Abbacy of St Albans, 1793, p. 399.

[1004] Dugdale, Monasticon, 'St Albans,' vol. 2, p. 206, footnote c; 'the Book of Ramryge,' MS. Cotton. Nero D. VII.

[1005] Dugdale, Monasticon, 'St Mary de Prée,' vol. 3, p. 353, charter nr 9.

[1006] Ibid. 'Sopwell,' vol. 3, p. 363.

[1007] 'Land of Cockayne,' in Early English Lives of Saints, etc., Philological Society, 1858, p. 156.

[1008] 'Why I cannot be a nun,' in Early English Lives of Saints, etc., Philological Society, 1858, p. 138.

[1009] Comp. above, pp. 339, 377.

[1010] M?hler, J. A., Kirchengeschichte, edit. 1867, vol. 2, pp. 612 ff.

[1011] Comp. Leuckfeld, Antiquitates Bursfeldenses, 1713; Pez, Bibliotheca ascetica, vol. 8, nrs 6 ff.

[1012] Discussed in Klemm, G. F., Die Frauen, vol. 4, p. 181, using Ordinarius preserved at Dresden (MS. L. 92).

[1013] Busch, J., Liber de reformatione monasteriorum (written between 1470-1475), edit. Grube, 1887.

[1014] Deutsche Allgemeine Biographie, article 'Busch, Joh.'

[1015] Busch, Liber de reformatione monasteriorum, 'Derneburg,' p. 588.

[1016] Ibid. 'Wennigsen,' 'Mariensee,' 'Werder' pp. 555 ff.

[1017] Busch, Liber de reformatione monasteriorum, 'Wienhausen,' p. 629.

[1018] Ibid. 'St Georg in Halle,' p. 568.

[1019] Ibid. 'Heiningen,' p. 600.

[1020] Ibid. 'Frankenberg,' p. 607.

[1021] Ibid. 'Dorstad,' p. 644.

[1022] Ibid. 'Neuwerk,' p. 609.

[1023] Ibid. 'Fischbeck,' p. 640.

[1024] Ibid. 'Marienberg,' p. 618.

[1025] Busch, Liber de reformatione monasteriorum, 'Marienborn,' 'Stendal,' p. 622.

[1026] Ibid. pp. 664 ff.

[1027] Ibid. pp. 659 ff.

[1028] Remling, F. X., Urkundl. Geschichte der Abteien und Kl?ster in Rheinbayern, 1836, 'Sch?nfeld,' vol. 1, p. 165; 'Ramsen,' vol. 1, p. 263; 'Kleinfrankenthal,' vol. 2, p. 79.

[1029] Marx, J., Geschichte des Erzstifts Trier, 1860, vol. 3, p. 466 (Benedictine nunneries, pp. 457-511, Cistercian nunneries, pp. 579-593).

[1030] Brusch, C., Chronol. Mon. Germ., 1682, p. 508.

[1031] Fabri, F., De Civitate Ulmensi, edit. Veesenmeyer, Liter. Verein, Stuttgart, 1889, pp. 180 ff.

[1032] Fabri, F., De Civitate Ulmensi, pp. 202 ff.

[1033] J?ger, A., Der Streit des Cardinals N. von Cusa mit dem Herzoge Sigmund von Oesterreich, 1861, 2 vols, (the struggle over Sonnenburg is in vol. 1).

[1034] Ibid. vol. 1 (page references in the text throughout this section are to the above account).

[1035] J?ger, A., Der Streit des Cardinals N. von Cusa etc., 1861, Vorwort, p. x.

[1036] Tritheim, Opera pia et spiritualia, edit. Busaeus, 1604, 'Orationes,' pp. 840-916.

[1037] Tritheim, Opera, etc., Epist. nr 3, p. 921 (written 1485).

[1038] Geiler, Predigten Teutsch, 1508; Seelen-Paradies, 1510, etc.

[1039] Information on those works of Butzbach which are not published is given in the second supplementary volume, pp. 439 ff. of Hutten, U. v., Opera, edit. B?cking, 1857.

[1040] Wimpheling, Germania, transl. Martin, E., 1885, ch. 77.

[1041] Erasmus, Colloquies, transl. Bailey, edit. Johnson, 1878, 'The Virgin averse to Matrimony,' vol. 1, p. 225.

[1042] Erasmus, Colloquies, 'The Penitent Virgin,' vol. 1, p. 237.

[1043] Ibid. 'The Uneasy Wife,' vol. 1, p. 241.

[1044] Ibid. 'The Young Man and Harlot,' vol. 1, p. 291.

[1045] Ibid. 'The Lying-in Woman,' vol. 1, p. 441.

[1046] Erasmus, Colloquies, 'The Assembly or Parliament of Women,' vol. 2, p. 203.

[1047] Dugdale, Monasticon, 'St Radegund's,' vol. 4, p. 215, charter nr 3.

[1048] Gasquet, F. A., Henry VIII and the English Monasteries, 1888, vol. 1, p. 62.

[1049] At a meeting of the Cambridge Antiquarian Society (reported in the Academy, Feb. 23, 1895), Mr T. D. Atkinson read a paper on 'The Conventual Buildings of the priory of St Radegund,' illustrated by a plan showing such of the college buildings as were probably monastic, and also the position of some foundations discovered in the previous summer. According to this paper the present cloister occupies the same position as that of the nuns, and the conventual church was converted into a college chapel by Alcock. The college hall which is upstairs is the old refectory, the rooms below being very likely used as butteries, as they still are. The present kitchen is probably on the site of the old monastic kitchen, and very likely the rooms originally assigned to the Master are those which had been occupied by the prioress. Further details of arrangement were given about the dormitory, the chapter house, the calefactory and common-room, etc., from which we gather that the men who occupied the nunnery buildings, put these to much the same uses as they had served before.

[1050] Fiddes, 'Life of Card. Wolsey,' 1726, Collect., p. 100.

[1051] Ibid. p. 99.

[1052] Dugdale, Monasticon, 'Bromhall,' vol. 4, p. 506.

[1053] Dugdale, Monasticon, 'Lillechurch,' vol. 4, p. 379, footnote e.

[1054] Gairdner, J., Letters and papers of the reign of Henry VIII, Rolls Series, vol. 10, Preface, p. 43, footnote, and nr 890.

[1055] Dugdale, Monasticon, 'St Frideswith's,' vol. 2, p. 138. Fiddes, 'Life of Card. Wolsey,' 1726, Collect., p. 95.

[1056] Wilkins, D., Concilia, 1737, 'Bull' (Sept. 1524), vol. 3, p. 703; 'Breve regium,' ibid. p. 705.

[1057] Dugdale, Monasticon, 'St Frideswith's,' vol. 2, p. 138, footnote x.

[1058] Ibid. 'Wykes,' vol. 4, p. 513; 'Littlemore,' vol. 4, p. 490, nr 12.

[1059] Rymer, Foedera, 'Bulla pro monasteriis supprimendis,' vol. 6, p. 116; 'Bulla pro uniendis monasteriis,' p. 137.

[1060] Gasquet, A., Henry VIII and the English Monasteries, 1888, vol. 1, pp. 101 ff.

[1061] Blunt, The Reformation of the Church of England, 1882, vol. 1, p. 92, footnote, says that the lady in question was 'Eleanor the daughter of Cary who had lately married (Anne's) sister Margaret.'

[1062] Dugdale, Monasticon, 'Wilton,' vol. 2, p. 317, gives the correspondence. The abbess who succeeded to Isabel Jordan was probably Cecil Bodman or Bodenham, of whom more p. 441.

[1063] Fish, S., 'A Supplicacyon for the Beggers,' republished Early Engl. Text Soc., 1871.

[1064] More, Th., 'The Supplycacyon of Soulys,' 1529 (?).

[1065] Wright, Th., Three chapters of letters on the Suppression (Camden Soc., 1843), nrs 6-11.

[1066] Gasquet, A., Henry VIII and the English Monasteries, vol. 1, pp. 110-150.

[1067] Gairdner, J., Letters and Papers etc., vol. 8, Preface, pp. 33 ff.

[1068] Wilkins, D., Concilia, 1737, vol. 3, p. 755.

[1069] Dict. of Nat. Biography, article 'Legh, Sir Thomas.'

[1070] Wright, Three chapters etc., p. 56.

[1071] Gairdner, J., Letters etc., vol. 9, nr 139.

[1072] Ibid. Preface, p. 20.

[1073] Ibid. vol. 9, nr 280.

[1074] Gasquet, Henry VIII etc., vol. 1, p. 273.

[1075] Wright, Three chapters of letters, p. 55.

[1076] Gasquet, Henry VIII etc., vol. 1, p. 276; Ellis, H., Original Letters, Series 3, vol. 3, p. 11, says that after resigning at Little Marlow she became abbess at Malling.

[1077] Dugdale, Monasticon, 'Little Marlow,' vol. 4, p. 419; 'Ankerwyke,' vol. 4, p. 229.

[1078] Gairdner, J., Letters and Papers etc., vol. 9, nr 1075 (her house is unknown).

[1079] Ellis, H., Original Letters, Series 1, vol. 2, p. 91.

[1080] Wright, Three chapters etc., p. 74.

[1081] Gairdner, J., Letters and Papers etc., vol. 9, nr 357.

[1082] Gairdner, J., Letters and Papers etc., vol. 9, nr 732.

[1083] Gasquet, A., Henry VIII etc., vol. 1, p. 293.

[1084] Wright, Three chapters etc., p. 107.

[1085] Ibid. p. 114; Gasquet, Henry VIII etc., vol. 1, p. 303.

[1086] Gairdner, J., Letters and Papers etc., vol. 10, nr 364.

[1087] Wright, Three chapters etc., p. 91.

[1088] Ellis, H., Original Letters, Series 3, vol. 3, p. 38.

[1089] Dugdale, Monasticon, 'Harwold,' vol. 6, p. 330.

[1090] Ellis, H., Original Letters, speaks of the image of Our Lady of Caversham which was plated all over with silver, Series 1, vol. 2, p. 79; of that of St Modwen of Burton on Trent with her red cowl and staff, Series 3, vol. 3, p. 104; of the 'huge and great image' of Darvellgathern held in great veneration in Wales, Series 1, vol. 2, p. 82; and of others, which were brought to London and burnt.

[1091] Wright, Three chapters etc., p. 116.

[1092] Gasquet, A., Henry VIII etc., vol. 2, p. 47.

[1093] Ibid. Appendix 1.

[1094] Gairdner, J., Letters and Papers etc., vol. 9, nr 1094.

[1095] Gasquet, A., Henry VIII etc., vol. 2, App. 1.

[1096] Wright, Three chapters etc., p. 139.

[1097] Ellis, H., Orig. Letters, Series 3, vol. 3, p. 37.

[1098] Ibid. p. 116.

[1099] Ibid. p. 39.

[1100] Wright, Three chapters etc., p. 129.

[1101] Gairdner, J., Letters and Papers etc., vol. 10, nr 383 (1536).

[1102] Wright, Three chapters etc., p. 136.

[1103] Gasquet, A., Henry VIII etc., vol. 2, App. 1.

[1104] Dugdale, Monasticon, 'St Mary's,' vol. 2, p. 451, charter nr 4.

[1105] Gasquet, A., Henry VIII etc., vol. 2, App. 1.

[1106] Gairdner, J., Letters and Papers etc. vol. 11, nr 385 (20).

[1107] Ibid. (22, 23, 35).

[1108] Dugdale, Monasticon, 'Chatteris,' vol. 2, p. 614, calls her 'Anne Gayton.'

[1109] Gairdner, J., Letters and Papers, vol. 11, nr 519 (11); nr 1217 (26).

[1110] Ibid. vol. 10, nr 364.

[1111] Gasquet, A., Henry VIII etc., vol. 2, p. 206; Gairdner, J., Letters and Papers etc., vol. 10, Preface, p. 46.

[1112] Dugdale, Monasticon, 'Dennis,' vol. 6, p. 1549.

[1113] Ellis, H., Orig. Letters, Series 3, vol. 3, p. 117.

[1114] Gasquet, A., Henry VIII etc., vol. 2, p. 203.

[1115] Ibid. vol. 2, pp. 449 ff.

[1116] Gairdner, J., Letters and Papers etc., vol. 11, nr 42.

[1117] Ibid. vol. 11, Preface, p. 12.

[1118] Gasquet, A., Henry VIII etc., vol. 2, pp. 84 ff.

[1119] Gairdner, J., Letters and Papers etc., vols. 11, 12.

[1120] Dugdale, Monasticon, 'Seton,' vol. 4, p. 226.

[1121] Gasquet, A., Henry VIII etc., vol. 2, p. 340.

[1122] Gairdner, J., Letters and Papers etc., vol. 12, pt 2, nr 27.

[1123] Gasquet, A., Henry VIII etc., vol. 2, p. 279.

[1124] Gairdner, J., Letters and Papers etc., vol. 13, pt 1, nr 1115 (19), nr 1519 (44).

[1125] Gasquet, A., Henry VIII etc., vol. 2, p. 222.

[1126] Gairdner, J., Letters and Papers etc., vol. 10, nr 364.

[1127] Ibid. vol. 13, pt 1, nr 235.

[1128] Ellis, H., Orig. Letters, Series 3, vol. 3.

[1129] Wright, Three chapters etc., p. 229.

[1130] Wright, Three chapters etc., p. 227.

[1131] Gasquet, A., Henry VIII etc., vol. 2, p. 225.

[1132] Ibid. 456.

[1133] Dugdale, Monasticon, 'St Mary's,' vol. 2, p. 451; Gasquet, A., Henry VIII etc., vol. 2, p. 476.

[1134] Dugdale, Monasticon, 'Wherwell,' vol. 2, p. 634.

[1135] Gasquet, A., Henry VIII etc., vol. 2, p. 481.

[1136] Ibid. p. 479.

[1137] Ellis, H., Orig. Letters, Series 3, vol. 3, p. 34, gives an interesting account.

[1138] Lindesay, Ane Satyre of the thrie Estaits, edit, by Hall for the Early Engl. Text Soc., 1869, pp. 420 ff.

[1139] Gasquet, A., Henry VIII etc., vol. 2, p. 221.

[1140] Fuller, Th., Church History, edit. Brewer, 1845, vol. 3, p. 336.

[1141] Binder, F., Charitas Pirkheimer, 1878, pp. 14 ff.

[1142] Ibid. pp. 67 ff.

[1143] Nider, Jos., Formicarius, bk. 1, ch. 4 (p. 8, edit. 1517).

[1144] Muench, E., Charitas Pirkheimer, ihre Schwestern und Nichten, 1826, contains some of Clara's letters.

[1145] Binder, F., Charitas Pirkheimer, p. 67.

[1146] 'Briefe der Aebtissin Sabina,' edit. Lochner in Zeitschrift für hist. Theologie, vol. 36, 1866.

[1147] Pirckheimer, B., Opera, edit. Goldast, 1610, p. 345; Binder, F., Charitas Pirkheimer, p. 52.

[1148] Pirckheimer, Opera, edit. Goldast, 1610, p. 341; Binder, F., Charitas Pirkheimer, p. 81.

[1149] Pirckheimer, Opera, p. 343; Binder, F., Charitas Pirkheimer, p. 84.

[1150] Pirckheimer, Opera, p. 342; Binder, F., Charitas Pirkheimer, p. 85.

[1151] Pirckheimer, Opera, p. 344; Binder, F., Charitas Pirkheimer, p. 87.

[1152] Binder, F., Charitas Pirkheimer, p. 88.

[1153] Ibid. p. 220, note 26.

[1154] Pirckheimer, Opera, p. 340; Binder, F., Charitas Pirkheimer, p. 89.

[1155] Born in Venice in 1465, was acquainted both with Latin and Greek, and studied history, philosophy and theology. She disputed at Padua in public, wrote several learned treatises, and was much admired and esteemed.

[1156] Binder, F., Charitas Pirkheimer, p. 96.

[1157] Pirckheimer, Opera, p. 230; Binder, F., Charitas Pirkheimer, p. 55.

[1158] Pirckheimer, Opera, p. 344; Binder, F., Charitas Pirkheimer, p. 58.

[1159] Binder, F., Charitas Pirkheimer, p. 65, footnote.

[1160] Ibid. p. 66.

[1161] Pirckheimer, Opera, p. 247; Binder, F., Charitas Pirkheimer, p. 61.

[1162] Binder, F., Charitas Pirkheimer, p. 62

[1163] Ibid. p. 35.

[1164] Thausing, M., Dürer's Briefe etc., 1872, p. 167.

[1165] Binder, F., Charitas Pirkheimer, p. 105.

[1166] Eyn Missyve oder Sendbrief etc., 1523.

[1167] Pirckheimer, Opera, p. 375.

[1168] 'Pirkheimer, Charitas': Denkwürdigkeiten aus dem Reformationszeitalter, herausg. H?fler, C., Quellensammlung für fr?nk. Geschichte, vol. 4, 1852 (page references in the text to this edition).

[1169] Muench, E., Charitas Pirckheimer etc., 1826, p. 104.

[1170] Binder, F., Charitas Pirckheimer, p. 125, from an unpublished letter.

[1171] Muench, E., Charitas Pirckheimer etc., p. 110.

[1172] Ibid., p. 118 (on a letter written to Nützel).

[1173] Muench, E., Charitas Pirckheimer etc., p. 106.

[1174] Ibid. p. 109.

[1175] Pirckheimer, Opera, p. 374.

[1176] Muench, E., Charitas Pirckheimer etc., p. 108.

[1177] Binder, F., Charitas Pirckheimer, p. 118.

[1178] Ibid. p. 150, from an unpublished letter.

[1179] Binder, F., Charitas Pirkheimer, p. 153.

[1180] Binder, F., Charitas Pirkheimer, p. 161.

[1181] 'Briefe der Aebtissin Sabina,' edit. Lochner in Zeitschrift für hist. Theologie, vol. 36, 1866, pp. 542, 545.

[1182] Binder, F., Charitas Pirkheimer, pp. 183 ff.

[1183] Pirckheimer, Opera, 'Oratio apologetica,' pp. 375-385; Binder, F., Charitas Pirkheimer, p. 198.

* * *

Transcriber's Note: Footnote 487 appears on page 164 of the text, but there is no corresponding marker on the page.

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