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   Chapter 7 THE GOVERNMENT AND THE PRIESTS

What Gunpowder Plot Was By Samuel Rawson Gardiner Characters: 185574

Updated: 2017-12-06 00:03


It was unavoidable that the persecution to which Catholics were subjected should bear most hardly on the priests, who were held guilty of disseminating a disloyal religion. It is therefore no matter for surprise that we find, about April 1604,[259] an informer, named Henry Wright, telling Cecil that another informer named Davies, was able to set, i.e. to give information of the localities of above threescore more priests, but that he had told him that twenty principal ones would be enough. Davies, adds Wright, will not discover the treason till he had a pardon for it himself, and on this Father Gerard remarks 'that the treason in question was none other than the Gunpowder Plot there can be no question; unless, indeed, we are to say that the authorities were engaged in fabricating a bogus conspiracy for which there was no foundation whatever in fact.' Why this inference should be drawn I do not know. If Davies was a renegade priest he would require a pardon, and in order to get it he may very well have told a story about a treason which the authorities, on further inquiry, thought it needless to investigate further. It is to no purpose that Father Gerard produces an application to James in which it is stated that Wright had furnished information to Popham and Challoner who 'had a hand in the discovery of the practices of the Jesuits in the powder plot, and did reveal the same from time to time to your Majesty, for two years' space almost before the said treason burst forth.'[260] That Wright, being in want of money, made the most of his little services in spying upon Jesuits is likely enough; but if he had come upon Gunpowder Plot two years before the Monteagle letter, that is to say, in October, 1603, some five months before it was in existence, except, perhaps, in Catesby's brain, we may be certain that he would have been far more specific in making his claim. The same may be said of Wright's letter to Salisbury on March 26, 1606, in which he pleads for assistance 'forasmuch as his Majesty is already informed of me that in something I have been, and that hereafter I may be, a deserving man of his Majesty and the State in discovering of villainous practices.' Very gentle bleating indeed for a man who had found out the Gunpowder Plot, as I have just said, before it was in existence!

Nor is much more to be made of the remainder of Father Gerard's evidence on this head. The world being what it was, what else could be expected but that there should be talk amongst priests of possible risings-Sir Everard Digby in his letter predicted as much-or even that some less wise of their number should discuss half formed plans, or that renegade priests should pick up their reckless words and report them to the Government, probably with some additions of their own?[261] When Father Gerard says that a vague statement by an informer, made as early as April 1604, refers to the Gunpowder Plot, because Coke said two years later that it did,[262] he merely shows that he has little acquaintance with the peculiar intellect of that idol of the lawyers of the day. If Father Gerard had studied, as I have had occasion to do, Coke's treatment of the case of the Earl and Countess of Somerset, he would, I fancy, have come to the conclusion that whenever Coke smelt a mystery, there was a strong probability that it either never existed at all, or, at all events, was something very different from what Coke imagined it to be.

That the Government believed, with or without foundation, that there were plots abroad, and that priests had their full share in them, may be accepted as highly probable. It must, however, be remembered that in Salisbury's eyes merely to be a priest was ipso facto to be engaged in a huge conspiracy, because to convert an Englishman to the Roman Catholic faith, or to confirm him in it, was to pervert him from his due allegiance to the Crown. Regarded from this point of view, the words addressed by Salisbury to Edmondes on October 17, 1605, 'more than a week,' as Father Gerard says, 'before the first hint of danger is said to have been breathed,'[263] are seen to be perfectly in character, without imagining that the writer had any special information on the Gunpowder Plot, or any intention of making use of it to pave the way for more persecuting legislation than already existed.

"I have received" writes Salisbury, "a letter of yours ... to which there needeth no great answer for the present ... because I have imparted to you some part of my conceit concerning the insolencies of the priests and Jesuits, whose mouths we cannot stop better than by contemning their vain and malicious discourses, only the evil which biteth is the poisoned bait, wherewith every youth is taken that cometh among them, which liberty (as I wrote before) must for one cause or other be retrenched."[264]

This language appears to Father Gerard to be ominous of further persecution. To me it appears to be merely ominous of an intention to refuse passports to young men of uncertain religion wishing to travel on the Continent.

We can now understand why it was that Salisbury and the Government in general were so anxious to bring home the plot, after its discovery, to some, at least, of the priests, and more especially to the Jesuits.

Three of these, Garnet, Greenway and Gerard, were in England while the plot was being devised, and were charged with complicity in it. Of the three, Garnet, the Provincial of England, was tried and executed; the other two escaped to the Continent. My own opinion is that Gerard was innocent of any knowledge of the plot,[265] and, as far as I am concerned, it is only the conduct of Garnet and Greenway that is under discussion. That they both had detailed knowledge of the plot is beyond doubt, as it stands on Garnet's own admission that he had been informed of it by Greenway, and that Greenway had heard it in confession from Catesby.[266] A great deal of ink has been spilled on the question whether Garnet ought to have revealed matters involving destruction of life which had come to his knowledge in confession; but on this I do not propose to touch. It is enough here to say that the law of England takes no note of the excuse of confession, and that no blame would have been due on this score either to the Government which ordered Garnet's prosecution, or to the judges and the jury by whom he was condemned, even if there had not been evidence of his knowledge when no question of confession was involved.

In considering Garnet's case the first point to be discussed is, whether the Government tampered with the evidence against the priests, either by omitting that which made in favour of the prisoner, or by forging evidence which made against him. An instance of omission is found in the mark 'hucusque' made by Coke in the margin of Fawkes's examination of November 9, implying the rejection of his statement that, though he had received the communion at Gerard's hands as a confirmation of his oath, Gerard had not known anything of the object which had led him to communicate.[267] The practice of omitting inconvenient evidence was unfortunately common enough in those days, and all that can be said for Coke on this particular occasion is, that the examination contained many obvious falsehoods, and Coke may have thought that he was keeping back only one falsehood more. Coke, however, at Garnet's trial did not content himself with omitting the important passage, but added the statement that 'Gerard the Jesuit, being well acquainted with all designs and purposes, did give them the oath of secrecy and a mass, and they received the sacrament together at his hands.'[268] Clearly, therefore, Coke is convicted, not merely of concealing evidence making in the favour of an accused, though absent, person, but of substituting for it his own conviction without producing evidence to support it. All that can be said is, in the first place, that Gerard was not on trial, and could not therefore be affected by anything that Coke might say; and that, in the second place, even if Coke's words were-as they doubtless were-accepted by the jury, the position of the prisoners actually at the bar would be neither better nor worse.

Much more serious is Father Gerard's argument that the confession of Bates, Catesby's servant, to the effect that he had not only informed Greenway of the plot, but that Greenway had expressed approval of it, was either not genuine, or, at least, had been tampered with by the Government. As Father Gerard again italicises,[269] not a passage from the examination itself, but his own abstract of the passage, it is better to give in full so much of the assailed examination as bears upon the matter:-

"Examination of Thomas Bate,[270] servant to Robert Catesby, the 4th of December, 1605, before the Lords Commissioners.

"He confesseth that about this time twelvemonth his master asked this said examinant whether he could procure him a lodging near the Parliament House. Whereupon he went to seek some such lodging and dealt with a baker that had a room joining to the Parliament House, but the baker answered that he could not spare it.

"After that some fortnight or thereabouts (as he thinketh) his master imagining, as it seemed, that this examinant suspected somewhat of that which the said Catesby went about, called him to him at Puddle Wharf in the house of one Powell (where Catesby had taken a lodging) and in the presence of Thomas Winter, asked him what he thought what business they were about, and this examinant answered that he thought they went about some dangerous business, whereupon they asked him again what he thought the business might be, and he answered that he thought they intended some dangerous matter about the Parliament House, because he had been sent to get a lodging near that House.

"Thereupon they made this examinant take an oath to be secret in the business, which being taken by him, they told him that it was true that they meant to do somewhat about the Parliament House, namely, to lay powder under it to blow it up.

"Then they told him that he was to receive the sacrament for the more assurance, and he thereupon went to confession to a priest named Greenway, and in his confession told Greenway that he was to conceal a very dangerous piece of work that his master Catesby and Thomas Winter had imparted unto him, and that he being fearful of it, asked the counsel of Greenway, telling the said Greenway (which he was not desirous to hear) their particular intent and purpose of blowing up the Parliament House, and Greenway the priest thereto said that he would take no notice thereof, but that he, the said examinant, should be secret in that which his master had imparted unto him, because that was for a good cause, and that he willed this examinant to tell no other priest of it; saying moreover that it was not dangerous unto him nor any offence to conceal it, and thereupon the said priest Greenway gave this examinant absolution, and he received the sacrament in the company of his master Robert Catesby and Mr. Thomas Winter.

······

"Thomas Bate,

Nottingham, H. Northampton,

Suffolk, Salisbury,

E. Worcester, Mar,

Dunbar."

Indorsed:-"The exam. of Tho. Bate 4 Dec. 1605. Greenway, §."[271]

Out of this document arise two questions which ought to be kept carefully distinct:-

1. Did the Government invent or falsify the document here partially printed?

2. Did Bates, on the hypothesis that the document is genuine, tell the truth about Greenway?

1. In the first place, Father Gerard calls our attention to the fact that the document has only reached us in a copy. It is quite true; though, on the other hand, I must reiterate the argument, which I have already used in a similar case,[272] that a copy in which the names of the Commissioners appear, even though not under their own hands, falls not far short of an original. If this copy, being a forgery, were read in court, as Father Gerard says it was,[273] some of the Commissioners would have felt aggrieved at their names being misused, unless, indeed, the whole seven concurred in authorising the forgery, which is so extravagant a supposition that we are bound to look narrowly into any evidence brought forward to support it.

Father Gerard's main argument in favour of the conclusion at which he leads up to-one can hardly say he arrives at this or any other clearly announced conviction-is put in the following words:-

"If, however, this version were not genuine, but prepared for a purpose, it is clear that it could not have been produced while Bates was alive to contradict it, and there appears to be no doubt that it was not heard of till after his death."

The meaning of this is, that the Government did not dare to produce the confession till after Bates's death, lest he should contradict it. If this were true it would no doubt furnish a strong argument against the genuineness of the confession, though not a conclusive one, because at the trial of that batch of the prisoners among whom Bates stood, the Government may have wished to reserve the evidence to be used against Greenway, whom it chiefly concerned, if they still hoped to catch him. I do not, however, wish to insist on this suggestion, as I hope to be able to show that the evidence was produced at Bates's trial, when he had the opportunity, if he pleased, of replying to it.

Father Gerard's first argument is, that in a certain 'manuscript account of the plot,[274] written between the trial of the conspirators and that of Garnet, that is, within two months of the former,' the author, though he argues that the priests must have been cognizant of the design, says nothing of the case of Bates's evidence against Greenway, 'but asserts him to have been guilty only because his Majesty's proclamation so speaks it.'[275] To this it may be answered that, in the first place, the manuscript does not profess to be a history of the plot. It contains the story of the arrest of Garnet and other persons, and is followed by the story of the taking of Robert Winter and Stephen Littleton. In the second place, there is strong reason to suppose, not only from the subjects chosen by the writer, but also from his mode of treating them, that he was not only a Staffordshire man, or an inhabitant of some county near Wolverhampton, but that his narrative was drawn up at no great distance from Wolverhampton. It does not follow that because his Majesty's proclamation had been heard of in Wolverhampton, a piece of evidence produced in court at Westminster would have reached so far.

Another argument used by Father Gerard in his own favour, appears to me to tell against him. In a copy of a minute of Salisbury's to a certain Favat, who had been employed by the King to write to him, we find the following statement, which undoubtedly refers to Bates's confession, it being written on December 4, the day on which it was taken:-

"You may tell his Majesty that if he please to read privately what this day we have drawn from a voluntary and penitent examination, the point I am persuaded (but I am no undertaker) shall be so well cleared, if he forebear to speak much of this but ten days, as he shall see all fall out to that end whereat his Majesty shooteth."[276]

Father Gerard's comment on this, that the confession of Bates, here referred to, 'cannot be that afterwards given to the world; for it is spoken of as affording promise, but not yet satisfactory in its performance.'[277] Yes; but promise of what? The King, it may be presumed, had asked not merely to know what Greenway had done, but to know what had been the conduct of all the priests who had confessed the plotters. The early part of the minute is clear upon that. Salisbury writes that the King wanted

'to learn the names of those priests which have been confessors and ministers of the sacrament to those conspirators, because it followeth indeed in consequence that they could not be ignorant of their purposes, seeing all men that doubt resort to them for satisfaction, and all men use confession to obtain absolution.'

Bearing this in mind, and also that Salisbury goes on to say that 'most of the conspirators have carefully forsworn that the priests knew anything particular, and obstinately refused to be accusers of them, yea what torture soever they be put to,' I cannot see that anything short of the statement about Greenway ascribed to Bates would justify Salisbury's satisfaction with what he had learnt, though he qualifies his pleasure with the thought that there is much more still to be learnt about Greenway himself, as well as about other priests. An autograph postscript to a letter written to Edmondes on March 8, 1606, shows Salisbury in exactly the spirit which I have here ascribed to him:-

"You may now confidently affirm that Whalley[278] is guilty ex ore proprio. This day confessed of the Gunpowder Treason, but he saith he devised it not, only he concealed it when Father Greenway alias Tesmond did impart to him all particulars, and Catesby only the general. Thus do you see that Greenway is now by the superintendent as guilty as we have accused him. He confesseth also that Greenway told him that Father Owen was privy to all. More will now come after this."[279]

The tone of the letter to Favat is more subdued than this, as befitted writing that was to come under the King's eye; but the meaning is identical:-"I have got much, but I hope for more."

We now come to Father Gerard's argument that the charge against Greenway of approving the plot was not produced even at Garnet's trial on March 28, 1606, Bates having been tried on January 27, and being executed on the 30th:-

"Still more explicit is the evidence furnished by another MS. containing a report of Father Garnet's trial. In this the confession of Bates is cited, but precisely the significant passage of which we have spoken, as follows: 'Catesby afterwards discovered the project unto him; shortly after which discovery, Bates went to mass to Tesimond [Greenway] and there was confessed and had absolution.'

"Here, again, it is impossible to suppose that the all-important point was the one omitted. It is clear, however, that the mention of a confession made to Greenway would prima facie afford a presumption that this particular matter had been confessed, thus furnishing a foundation whereon to build; and knowing, as we do, how evidence was manipulated, it is quite conceivable that the copy now extant incorporates the improved version thus suggested."

Father Gerard has quoted the sentence about Bates and Greenway correctly,[280] but he has not observed that Coke, in his opening speech, is stated on the same authority to have expressed himself as follows:-

"In November following comes Bates to Greenway the Jesuit, and tells him all his master's purpose; he hears his confession, absolves him, and encourageth him to go on, saying it is for the good of the Catholic cause, and therefore warrantable."[281]

I acknowledge that Coke's unsupported assertion is worth very little; but I submit that so practised an advocate would hardly have produced a confession which, if it contained no more than Father Gerard supposes, would have directly refuted his own statement. Father Gerard, I fancy, fails to take into account the difficulties of note-takers in days prior to the invention of shorthand. The report-taker had followed the early part of Bates's examination fairly well. Then come the words quoted by Father Gerard at the very bottom of the page. May not the desire to get all that he had to say into that page have been too strong for the reporter, especially as, after what Coke had said earlier in the day, the statement that Bates 'confessed' might reasonably be supposed to cover the subject of confession? 'Catesby ... discovered the project unto him, shortly after which discovery' he confessed. What can he be supposed to have confessed except the project discovered? and, if so, Greenway's absolution implies approval.

Father Gerard, moreover, though he quotes from another manuscript Garnet's objection that 'Bates was a dead man,' thereby meaning that Bates's testimony was now worthless, entirely omits to notice that the preceding paragraph is destructive of his contention. A question had arisen as to whether Greenway had shown contrition.

"Nay," replied Mr. Attorney, "I am sure that he had not, for to Bates he approved the fact, and said he had no obligation to reveal it to any other ghostly father, to which effect Bates his confession was produced, which verified as much as Mr. Attorney said, and then Mr. Attorney added that he had heard by men more learned than he, that if for defect of contrition it was not a sacrament, then it might lawfully be revealed.

"Mr. Garnet rejoined that Bates was a dead man, and therefore although he would not discredit him, yet he was bound to keep that secret which was spoken in confession as well as Greenway."[282]

Having thus shown that Father Gerard's argument, that the statement about Greenway was not produced at Garnet's trial, cannot be maintained; that his argument drawn from the account of the arrest of Garnet and others is irrelevant, and that Salisbury's letter to Favat, so far from contradicting the received story, goes a long way to confirm it, I proceed to ask why we are not to accept the report of A true and perfect relation, where Coke is represented as giving the substance of the confession of Bates, beginning with Catesby's revelation of the plot to him, followed by his full confession to Greenway and Greenway's answer, somewhat amplified indeed, as Coke's manner was, but obviously founded on Bates's confession of December 4, 1605.

"Then they," i.e. Catesby and Winter, "told him that he was to receive the sacrament for the more assurance, and thereupon he went to confession to the said Tesmond the Jesuit, and in his confession told him that he was to conceal a very dangerous piece of work, that his master Catesby and Thomas Winter had imparted unto him, and said he much feared the matter to be utterly unlawful, and therefore thereon desired the counsel of the Jesuit, and revealed unto him the whole intent and purpose of blowing up the Parliament House upon the first day of the assembly, at what time the King, the Queen, the Prince, the Lords spiritual and temporal, the judges, knights, citizens, burgesses should all have been there convented and met together. But the Jesuit being a confederate therein before, resolved and encouraged him in the action, and said that he should be secret in that which his master had imparted unto him, for that it was for a good cause, adding, moreover, that it was not dangerous unto him nor any offence to conceal it; and thereupon the Jesuit gave him absolution, and Bates received the sacrament of him, in the company of his master, Robert Catesby, and Thomas Winter."[283]

We have not, indeed, the evidence set forth, but we have a distinct intimation that amongst the confessions read was one from which 'it appeared that Bates was resolved from what he understood concerning the powder treason, and being therein warranted by the Jesuits.'[284]

2. Being now able to assume that the confession ascribed to Bates was genuine, the further question arises whether Bates told the truth or not. We have, in the first place, Greenway's strong protestation that he had not heard of the plot from Bates. In the second place, Father Gerard adduces a retractation by Bates of a statement that he thought Greenway 'knew of the business.' Now, whatever inference we choose to draw, it is a curious fact that this has nothing to do with Bates's confession of December 4-the letter of Bates printed in the narrative of the Gerard who lived in the seventeenth century running as follows:-

"At my last being before them I told them I thought Greenway knew of this business, but I did not charge the others with it, but that I saw them all together with my master at my Lord Vaux's, and that after I saw Mr. Whalley," i.e. Garnet, "and Mr. Greenway at Coughton, and it is true. For I was sent thither with a letter, and Mr. Greenway rode with me to Mr. Winter's to my master, and from thence he rode to Mr. Abington's. This I told them, and no more. For which I am heartily sorry for, and I trust God will forgive me, for I did it not out of malice but in hope to gain my life by it, which I think now did me no good."[285]

This clearly refers not to the confession of December 4, but to that of January 13,[286] in which these matters were spoken of, and it is to be noted that Bates does not acknowledge having spoken falsely, but of having told inconvenient truths.

Bates's entire silence in this letter as to the confession of December 4 may receive one of two interpretations. Either Greenway was not mentioned in that confession at all-a solution which in the face of Salisbury's letter to Favat seems to be an impossible one-or else Bates knew that he had at that time made disclosures to which he did not wish to refer. It is, perhaps, not so very unlikely that he compounded for what would in any case be regarded as a great fault by disclosing a smaller one.

Are we, then, shut up to the conclusion that Father Greenway sheltered himself by telling a deliberate lie? I do not see that it is absolutely necessary; though I suppose, under correction, that he might feel himself bound to aver that he had never heard what he had only heard in confession. Is it not, however, possible that Bates in confessing to Greenway did not go into the details of the plot, but merely spoke of some design against the Government with which his master had entrusted him, and that Greenway told him that it was his master's secret, and he might be content to think that it was in a good cause?[287] As time went on Bates would easily read his own knowledge of the plot into the words he had used in confession, or may even have deliberately expanded his statement to please the examiners. Life was dear, and he may have hoped to gain pardon if he could throw the blame on a Jesuit. Besides, Greenway, as he probably knew, had not been arrested, and no harm would come if he painted him blacker than he was. This is but a conjecture, but if it is anywhere near the mark, it is easy to understand why Bates should not have been eager to call attention to the confession of December 4, when he wrote the letter which has been already quoted.[288] On the other hand Catesby seems to have had no doubt of Greenway's adherence, as is shown by his exclaiming on the priest's arrival at Coughton, that 'here, at least, was a gentleman that would live and die with them.'

In any case, the general attitude of the priests is not difficult to imagine. Not even their warmest advocates can suppose that they received the news of a plot to blow up James I. and his Parliament with quite as much abhorrence as they would have manifested if they had heard of a plot to blow up the Pope and the College of Cardinals. They were men who had suffered much and were exposed at any moment to suffer more. They held that James had broken his promise without excuse. But they had their instructions from Rome to discountenance all disturbances; and we may do them the justice to add that both Garnet and Greenway were shocked when they were informed of the atrocious character of the plot itself; but, at all events, Sir Everard Digby was able to write from prison to his wife:-

"Before that I knew anything of the plot, I did ask Mr. Farmer," i.e. Garnet, "what the meaning of the Pope's Brief was; he told me that they were not (meaning priests) to undertake or procure stirs; but yet they would not hinder any, neither was it the Pope's mind they should, that should be undertaken for the Catholic good. I did never utter thus much, nor would not but to you; and this answer with Mr. Catesby's proceedings with him and me give me absolute belief that the matter in general was approved, though every particular was not known."[289]

Whatever may be thought of the value of this statement Garnet's attitude towards the plot was, on his own showing, hardly one of unqualified abhorrence. Assuming that all that Greenway had informed him of on one particular occasion, when the whole design was poured into his ears, was told under the sanction of the confessional, and that not only the rule of his Church, but other more worldly considerations, prohibited the disclosure of anything so heard, there was all the more reason why he should take any opportunity that occurred to learn the secret out of confession, and so to do his utmost to prevent the atrocious design from being carried into execution. Let us see whether he did so or not, on his own showing.

On June 8 or 9, 1605,[290] Catesby asked Garnet the question whether it was lawful to kill innocent persons, together with nocents, on the pretence that his inquiry related to the siege of a town in war. At first Garnet treated the question as of no other import. "I ... thought it at the first but as it were an idle question, till I saw him, when we had done, make solemn protestation that he would never be known to have asked me any such question so long as he lived." On this Garnet began to muse within himself as to Catesby's meaning.

"And," he continues, "fearing lest he should intend the death of some great persons, and by seeking to draw them together enwrap not only innocents but friends and necessary persons for the Commonwealth, I thought I would take fit occasion to admonish him that upon my speech he should not run headlong to so great a mischief."

Garnet accordingly talked to him when he met him next, towards the end of June, telling him that he wished him 'to look what he did if he intended anything, that he must not have so little regard of innocents that he spare not friends and necessary persons to a Commonwealth, and told him what charge we had of all quietness, and to procure the like of others.' It was certainly rather mild condemnation of a design which, as Garnet understood, would involve considerable loss of life.

Soon afterwards Garnet received a letter from the General of the Society, directing him, in the Pope's name, to hinder all conspiracies, and this letter he showed to Catesby when next he saw him:-

"I showed him my letter from Rome," wrote Garnet afterwards, "and admonished him of the Pope's pleasure. I doubted he had some device in his head, whatsoever it was, being against the Pope's will, it could not prosper. He said that what he meant to do, if the Pope knew, he would not hinder, for the general good of the country. But I being earnest with him, and inculcating the Pope's prohibition did add this quia expresse hoc Papa non vult et prohibet, he told me he was not bound to take knowledge by me of the Pope's will. I said indeed my own credit was but little, but our General, whose letter I had read to him, was a man everywhere respected for his wisdom and virtue, so I desired him that before he attempted anything he would acquaint the Pope. He said he would not for all the world make his particular project known to him, for fear of discovery. I wished him at the last in general to inform him how things stood here by some lay gentleman."

This suggestion took shape in the mission of Sir Edmund Baynham. We are only concerned here with Garnet's expostulations, and again it must be said that they appear to have been singularly mild, considering all that Catesby had admitted.

A few days later Garnet learnt the whole truth from Greenway, in a way which is said to have been tantamount to confession. Admitting once more that he may have been bound to keep silence to others on these details, he could not keep silence to himself. There are no partitions in the brain to divide what one wishes to know from what one wishes not to know, and if Garnet thoroughly abhorred the plot, he was surely bound to take up Catesby's earlier self-revelations, and to strive to the uttermost to probe the matter to the bottom, in all legitimate ways. No doubt he had moments in which his conscience was sorely troubled, but they were followed by no decisive action, and it is useless to say that he expected to meet Catesby at 'All-hallowtide.' With all the Jesuit machinery under his hands, he could surely have found Catesby out between July and November, and this omission is perhaps the most fatal condemnation of Garnet's course. If he had for many months known enough otherwise than in confession to enable him to remonstrate with Catesby in November, why could he not have remonstrated four months before with much more hope of success?

Still more serious is Garnet's own account of his feelings when Greenway imparted the story to him, saying that he thought the plot unlawful, and 'a most horrible thing.' He charged Greenway 'to hinder it if he could, for he knew well enough what strict prohibition we had had.' Greenway replied 'that in truth he had disclaimed it, and protested that he did not approve it, and that he would do what lay in him to dissuade it.' Yet up to the discovery of the plot, Garnet, though he met Greenway at least once, took no means of inquiring how Greenway had fared in his enterprise. "How he performed it after," he explained, "I have not heard but by the report of Bates's confession."[291]

On July 24, Garnet writes a letter to the General of his Society, in which, as we are told, nothing learnt only in confession ought to have been introduced. Accordingly, either in this or a later letter,[292] he merely speaks in general terms of the danger of any private treason or violence against the King, and asks for the orders of his Holiness as to what is to be done in the case, and a formal prohibition of the use of armed force. Surely some stronger language would be expected here. It is true that, according to his own account, Garnet remained 'in great perplexity,' and prayed that God 'would dispose of all for the best, and find the best means which were pleasing to Him to prevent so great a mischief.' He tells us, indeed, that he wrote constantly to Rome 'to get a prohibition under censures of all attempts,' but as the answer he got was that the Pope was of the opinion that 'his general prohibition would serve,' it does not seem likely that Garnet enlarged on the real danger more than he had done in the letter referred to above. He expected, he says, some further action; 'and that hope and Mr. Catesby's promise of doing nothing until Sir Edmund had been with the Pope made me think that either nothing would be done or not before the end of the Parliament; before what time we should surely hear, as undoubtedly we should if Baynham had gone to Rome as soon as I imagined.'[293] In a further declaration, Garnet disclosed that there was more in his conduct than misplaced hopefulness. Speaking of Catesby's first consultation with himself, he adds:-

"Neither ever did I enter further with him then, as I wrote, but rather cut off all occasions (after I knew his project) of any discoursing with him of it, thereby to save myself harmless both with the state here, and with my superiors at Rome, to whom I knew this thing would be infinitely displeasing, insomuch as at my second conference with Mr. Greenwell," i.e. Greenway, "I said 'Good Lord, if this matter go forward, the Pope will send me to the galleys, for he will assuredly think I was privy to it.'"[294]

To say that Garnet had two consciences, an official and a personal one, would doubtless err by giving too brutally clear-cut a definition of the mysterious workings of the mind. Yet we shall probably be right in thinking not only that, as a Catholic, a priest, and a Jesuit, he was bound to carry out the directions conveyed to him from the Pope, but that those directions commended themselves to his own mind whenever he set himself seriously to consider the matter. It was but human weakness[295] to be so shocked by the persecution going on around him as to regard with some complacency the horrors which sought to put a stop to it, or at least to find excuses for omitting to inquire, where inquiry must necessarily lead to active resistance. The Government theory that Garnet and the other Jesuits had originated the plot was undoubtedly false, but, as far as we are able to judge, they did not look upon it with extraordinary horror, neither did they take such means as were lawful and possible to avert the disaster.

To sum up the conclusions to which I have been led. There may be difference of opinion as to my suggested explanations of some details in the 'traditional' story; but as a whole it stands untouched by Father Gerard's criticisms. What is more, no explanation has been offered by any one which will fit in with the evidence which I have adduced in its favour. As for the plot itself, it was the work of men indignant at the banishment of the priests after the promises made by James in Scotland. The worse persecution which followed no doubt sharpened their indignation and led to the lukewarmness with which Garnet opposed it; but it had nothing to do with the inception of the plot.

As to the action of the Government, it was in the main straightforward. It had to disguise its knowledge that James did not discover the plot by Divine inspiration, and having firmly persuaded itself that the Jesuits had been at the bottom of the whole affair, it suppressed at least one statement to the contrary, which it may very well have believed to be untrue, whilst the Attorney General-not a man easily restrained-put forward his own impression as positive truth, though he had no evidence behind it. On the other hand, James, having before him in writing Garnet's account of the information gained from Greenway in confession, refused to allow it to be used against the prisoner.

The attempt to make Salisbury the originator of the Plot for his own purposes breaks down entirely, if only because, at the time when the plot was started, he had already pushed James to take the first step in the direction in which he wished him to go, and that every succeeding step carried him further in the same direction. It is also highly probable that he had no information about it till the Monteagle letter was placed in his hands. That there was a plot at all is undoubtedly owing to James's conduct in receding from his promises. Yet, even his fault in this respect raises more difficult questions than Roman Catholic writers are inclined to admit. The question of toleration was a new one, and James may be credited with a sincere desire to avoid persecution for religion. He was, however, confronted by the question of allegiance. If the Roman Catholics increased in numbers, so far as to become a power in the land, would they or the Pope tolerate a 'heretic' King? This was the real crux of the situation. In the nineteenth century it is not felt, and we can regard it lightly. In the beginning of the seventeenth century men could remember how Henry IV. had been driven to submit to the Papal Church on pain of exclusion from the throne. Was there ever to be a possibility of the like happening to James? There can be no doubt that he believed in the doctrines of his own Church as firmly as any Jesuit believed in those which it was his duty to maintain. But, though this question of doctrine must not be left out of sight, it must by no means be forced into undue prominence. It was the question of allegiance that was at stake. James tried hard to avoid it, and it must be acknowledged that his efforts were, to some extent, reciprocated from the other side,[296] but the gulf could not be bridged over. In the end the antagonism took its fiercest shape in the disputation on the new oath of allegiance enjoined on all recusants in 1606. The respective claims of Pope and King to divine right were then brought sharply into collision. Now that we are removed by nearly three centuries from the combatants, we may look somewhat beyond the contentions of the disputants. Behind the arguments of the Royalist, we may discern the claim of a nation for supreme control over its own legislation and government. Behind the arguments of the Papalist, we may discern an anxiety to forbid any chance occupant of a throne, or any chance parliamentary majority, from dictating to the consciences of those who in all temporal matters are ready to yield obedience to existing authority.

* * *

INDEX

Aldobrandino, Cardinal, report by the Nuncio at Paris to, 151

Bancroft, Archbishop, informs Salisbury that Percy had ridden towards Croydon, 23

Banishment of the priests, 160

Barlow, Bishop, mistaken reference to a book of, 84

Barneby, reports to the Nuncio at Paris, 153

Bartlet, George, said to have stated that Catesby visited Salisbury House, 11

Bates, Thomas, arrest of, 47;

examination of, 179;

value of the evidence of, 182-189;

charge brought against Greenway by, 189

Baynham, Sir Edmund, mission of, 195

Brewer, Mr. H. W., author of a conjectural view of the neighbourhood of the old House of Lords, 93

Brick, softer in 1605 than at present, 97

Bright, Mrs., evidence of, 28.

See Skinner, Mrs.

Buck, Master, alleged statement by, 7

Bufalo, del, see Nuncio in Paris

Capon, William, mistakes the position of Percy's house, 77;

worthlessness of the evidence of, 107

Catesby, Robert, said to visit Salisbury, 11;

cannot have given information, 121;

informs Greenway of the plot, 177;

his relations with Garnet, 192

Cecil, Sir Robert, corresponds with James on toleration, 143-148;

forwards James's reply to the Nuncio's overtures, 156;

has no motive for inventing Gunpowder Plot, 160.

See Cranborne, Viscount, and Salisbury, Earl of

Cellar, the, Fawkes antedates the hiring of, 18, 20;

new door made into, 25;

evidence on the lease of, 28;

supposed bargain between Ferrers and Percy for, 30;

Fawkes's account of the hiring of, 34;

Winter's account of the hiring of, 65;

partly let to Mrs. Skinner, 100, 101;

leased to Percy, 105;

the miners said to be ignorant of the position of, 105;

Capon's evidence on the details of, 107;

new door into, ib.;

entrances into, 110;

alleged public access to, 111;

Knyvet's visit to, 129;

Suffolk's search in, 131

Clement VIII., Pope, writes to James, 150;

annotates a report from the Nuncio at Paris, 151, 152;

rejects James's proposals, 158;

his conduct towards James, 167;

Lindsay's report on the proceedings of, 168

Cobham, Lord, reports a saying of James I., 8

Coe, Thomas, as informer, 175, note 1

Coke, Attorney-General, conducts the first examination of Fawkes, 17;

attends the commissioners for the examination of the plot, 25;

his fishing inquiry, 40;

omits a passage in Fawkes's confession, and brings a false charge against Gerard, 178

Cornwallis, Salisbury's letter to, 31

Cranborne, Viscount, his conversation with the Venetian ambassador, 162-166.

See Cecil, Sir Robert, and Salisbury, Earl of

Davies, an informer, 173

Devonshire, Earl of, a commissioner to examine the plot, 24

Digby, Sir Edward, misstatement about the knighting of the sons of, 10;

arrest of, 47;

writes to Salisbury, 169;

receives a letter about an otter hunt, 175, note 1;

his evidence against Garnet, 192

Digby, Sir Kenelm, alleged statement by, 10

Doubleday, Edmond, secures Fawkes, 135-137

Dunchurch, hunting-match at, 30

Edinburgh Reviewer, the, negative criticism of, 3;

his summary of the story of the plot, 14

Edmondes, Salisbury's letter to, 31

Favat, Salisbury's letter to, 183, 184

Fawkes, Guy, first examination of, 17;

assumes the name of Johnson, 18;

shields his companions by false statements, 19;

alleged alteration of the examination of, 20;

confesses the whole of the design, 21;

second examination of, 25;

third examination of, 26;

fourth examination of, 30;

threatened with torture, 32;

fifth examination of, 33;

relation of the fifth examination of, with that of Nov. 17, 37;

his declaration under torture, 43;

gives the names of the plotters, 44;

examined on the hints given to noblemen to absent themselves from Parliament, 48;

a watch bought for, 49;

doubts as to the genuineness of his full account of the plot examined, 50-54;

capable of directing mining operations, 78;

ascertains that the cellar is to be let, 109;

alleged discrepancies in the accounts of the seizure of, 127;

arrest of, 132-136

Ferrers, or Ferris, Henry, gives up his house to Percy, 29;

agreement for the lease by, 89

Fulman's Collection, notes on the plot preserved in, 9

Garnet, Henry, receives information of the plot from Greenway, 177;

Digby's evidence against, 192;

his knowledge of the plot, 193-199

Gerard, John (Jesuit in the 17th century), not to be trusted when in ignorance of the facts, 7;

said to have given the sacrament to the conspirators, 44;

probably ignorant of the plot, 177;

false charge brought by Coke against, 178

Gibbons, Mrs., has charge of the house, 28

Goodman, Bishop, thinks Salisbury contrived the plot, 7

Grant, John, his name erroneously given as digging the mine, 73

Greenway (alias for Oswald Tesimond), informs Garnet of the plot, 177;

said to have been informed of the plot by Bates, 180;

discussion on Bates's evidence against, 183-192;

his relations with Garnet, 195-198

Grene, Father, reports a saying of Usher's, 8

Gunpowder stored by the plotters, exaggerations about the amount of, 112;

disposal of, 113

Holbeche House, capture or death of the plotters at, 46

House hired by Percy, the, Fawkes's statement about, 18;

in charge of Mrs. Gibbons, 28;

evidence on the lease of, 29;

situation of, 77-91;

alleged smallness of, 91;

alleged populousness of the neighbourhood of, 92;

position of the garden belonging to, 96;

powder brought to, 102;

a carpenter admitted to, 104

House of Lords, the old, description of, 100

James, Roger, evidence of, 91

James I. said to have called November 5 Cecil's holiday, 8;

orders the use of torture, 26;

said to have interpreted the Monteagle letter by inspiration, 114, 125, 126;

his relations with the Catholics, 141-142;

refuses to sign a letter to the Pope, 143;

corresponds with Cecil on toleration, ib.;

letter falsely attributed to, 150;

interruption of Lindsay's mission from, 151;

receives overtures from the Nuncio at Brussels, 151;

his position towards the recusants, 153;

is assured of the Pope's desire to keep the Catholics in obedience, 154;

banishes the priests, 160

Keyes, Robert, inquiry into the movements of, 24;

arrest of, 47;

confusion about his working in the mine, 71;

acknowledges that he worked at the mine, 74;

mistake in the 'King's Book' about, ib.;

brought from Lambeth, 102

'King's Book,' the, erroneous account of Robert Winter's proceedings in, 74;

probable date of the issue of, 74, note 1

Knyvet, Sir Thomas, visits the cellar, 128, 136

Lenthall said to have been told that Salisbury contrived the plot, 10;

Wood's character of, 12

Lindsay, Sir James, carries a letter from the Pope to James, 150;

is unable to return with the answer, 151;

starts for Italy, 156;

Cranborne's opinion of, 162;

reports from Rome, 168

Mar, Earl of, is a commissioner to examine the plot, 24

Mine, the, silence of Fawkes about, 20;

Mrs. Whynniard ignorant of, 29;

the Government ignorant of, 30;

first mentioned by Fawkes, 33;

described by Winter, 63;

position of, 96;

made through the wall of Percy's house, 97;

alleged inexperience of the makers of, 98;

precautions to avoid noise in, 99;

penetrates the wall under House of Lords, 102;

disposal of the earth and stones from, 103;

the Government ignorant of the position of, 104

Montague, Lord, sent to the Tower, 48

Monteagle, Lord, the letter addressed to said to have been known beforehand, 10;

false statements about the interpretation of, 114;

Salisbury said to have been previously informed of, 115;

delivery of, 122;

taken to Salisbury, 123

Mordaunt, Lord, sent to the Tower, 48

Northampton, Earl of, a commissioner to examine the plot, 24;

is a Catholic, 25

Nottingham, Earl of, a commissioner to examine the plot, 24;

his relations to the Catholics, 25

Nuncio at Brussels, the, makes overtures to James, 151

Nuncio at Paris, the, reports on James's proceedings, 151;

writes to Parry on the Pope's desire to keep the Catholics in obedience, 154;

writes to James, 155;

James's reply to the overtures of, 156;

sends the reply to Rome, 157

Osborne, Francis, thinks the plot a device of Salisbury, 7

Owen, Hugh, not a priest, 60, note 1

Parry, Sir Thomas, draft of a letter to, 22;

uncertainty when Salisbury's letter was sent to, 31;

receives overtures from the Nuncio, 154

Percy, Thomas, Fawkes's statement about the hiring of the house and cellar by, 18;

proclamation for the apprehension of, 23;

rumours about the movements of, ib.;

search of his house, 24;

enters into possession of the house and cellar, 29;

reward offered for the apprehension of, 44;

the Sheriff of Worcestershire announces the death of, 44;

buys a watch for Fawkes, 49;

Winter's account of the proceedings of, 62-69;

agreement for the lease of the house to, 85;

not likely to be turned out when Parliament met, 86;

takes the cellar, 105;

alleged bigamy of, 115;

said to have visited Salisbury, 117;

displays his connection with the Court, 118;

receives a pass for post-horses, ib.;

alleged secret orders to kill, 119

Pope, the (see Clement VIII.)

Popham, Chief Justice, examines Fawkes, 17;

sends to Salisbury a rumour of Percy's movements, 23;

makes inquiries into the movements of Catholics, 24;

a commissioner to examine the plot, 25

Priests, the banishment of, proclamation for, 160

Privy Councillors, form of publishing the signatures of, 40

Recusants, their fines remitted, 149;

fines reimposed on, 161

Rokewood, Ambrose, examination of the landlady of, 24

Salisbury, Earl of, alleged to have invented the plot, 7;

said to have told his son that he had contrived the plot, 10;

writes an account of the plot to Parry, 22;

is a commissioner for the examination into the plot, 24;

his letter to the ambassadors, 31;

cannot have deceived his fellow-commissioners, 41;

said to have known of the plot before the Monteagle letter, 115;

said to have received visits from Percy, 117;

said to have issued orders not to take Percy alive, 119;

the Monteagle letter delivered to, 123;

probably knew nothing of the plot independent of the letter, 124;

was the probable interpreter of the letter, 125;

receives a letter from Sir E. Digby, 169;

has no motive for inventing the plot, 172;

expects plots, 176;

writes to Favat, 183;

failure of the charge against, 200

Shepherd, John, evidence of, 77

Skinner, Mrs., gives up the cellar to Percy, 28, 105

Spedding, James, his canon of historical evidence, 5

Speed, John, his statement that Percy's house was only to be let when Parliament was not sitting, 85

Standen, Sir Anthony, mission of, 158

Suffolk, Earl of, a commissioner for examining the plot, 24;

friendly to the Catholics, 25;

sent to search the cellar, 131

Talbot of Grafton, John, summoned before the Council, 48

Tresham, Francis, informed of the plot, 66;

probably informs the Government, 121;

his connection with the letter to Monteagle, 122

Usher, language used about the plot by, 8

Vaux, Mrs., committed to the charge of an alderman, 48

Vowell, Peter, said to assert the plot to have been invented, 10

Waad, Sir William, gives information of Percy's movements, 23;

pronounces Fawkes obstinate, 32;

informs Salisbury that Winter is ready to confess, 70

Walsh, Sir Richard, writes to announce the death or capture of the plotters, 45

Whynniard, John, Fawkes's evidence about his lease to Percy, 18;

position of the house of, 77;

appointed keeper of the Old Palace, 86;

history of the land held by him, 93, 94;

position of the garden of, 95;

leases the cellar to Percy, 105

Whynniard, Mrs., consents to the lease of the cellar, 28

Winter, Robert, arrest of, 47;

incorrectly stated to have worked in the mine, 71;

his name substituted for that of Keyes, 73

Winter, Thomas, inquiry into the movements of, 24;

captured at Holbeche, 46;

doubts as to the genuineness of his full account of the plot examined, 54-67;

his account of the plot, 57-69;

no evidence of the torture of, 70;

explanation of the confusion between Keyes and, 72;

Coke wishes to examine, 74

Wood, Anthony, statements by a correspondent of, 9;

his character of Lenthall, 12

Worcester, Earl of, a commissioner to examine the plot, 24;

is understood to be a Catholic, 25

Wotton, Sir Henry, says that Cecil invented plots, 10

Wright, Christopher, death of, 46, 47;

Robert Winter's name substituted for, 73

Wright, Henry, an informer, 173, 174

Wright, John, killed at Holbeche, 46, 47

* * *

Footnotes:

[1] London: Osgood, McIlvaine & Co., 1897.

[2] Gerard, p. 48.

[3] Ib. p. 51, note 2.

[4] Goodman, i. 102.

[5] Gerard, pp. 46, 47.

[6] Gerard, p. 159.

[7] I imagine that the notes in Roman type proceed from Wood's correspondent, and that Fulman's marginal questions are omitted; but Father Gerard is not clear on this.

[8] I.e., the second Earl.

[9] ? this.

[10] Athen?, iii. 902.

[11] Edin. Review, January 1897, p. 192.

[12] This is a mistake. The fine of 3,000l. was imposed for his part in the Essex rebellion. (See Jardine, p. 31.)

[13] Off and on, a fortnight at the end of January and beginning of February, and then again probably for a very short time in March.

[14] Fawkes was absent part of the time.

[15] Mrs. Everett Green in her 'Calendar of Domestic State Papers,' adds a sixth (Gunpowder Plot Book, No. 50); but this is manifestly the deposition of November 17. It must be remembered that, when she produced this volume, Mrs. Everett Green was quite new to the work. She was deceived by an indorsement in the handwriting of the eighteenth century, assigning the document to the 8th.

[16] The words between brackets are inserted in another hand.

[17] It was not actually hired till about Lady Day, 1605.

[18] Inserted in the same hand as that in which the words about the cellar were written. It will be observed that the insertion cannot serve any one's purpose.

[19] Gracechurch Street.

[20] A mistake for Monday if midnight is to be reckoned with the day preceding it.

[21] The remainder of the draft is occupied with the discovery of the plot.

[22] Proclamation Book, R.O., p. 114.

[23] Bancroft to Salisbury, Nov. 5. Popham to Salisbury, Nov. 5-G. P. B. Nos. 7, 9.

[24] Points and names of persons.-S. P. Dom. xvi. 9, 10.

[25] Popham to Salisbury, November 5. (G. P. B. No. 10.) The P.S. only is of the 6th.

[26] Narrative, G. P. B. No. 129.

[27] In a letter of advice sent to the Nuncio at Paris, on Sept. 10/20, he is distinctly spoken of as a Catholic, as well as Worcester.-Roman Transcripts, R.O.

[28] On July 20/30, 1605, Father Creswell writes to Paul V. that Nottingham showed him every civility 'that could be expected from one who does not profess our holy religion.'

[29] The 'cellar' was not really hired till a little before Easter, March 31.

[30] Second examination of Fawkes, November 6.-G. P. B. No. 16 A.

[31] Examination of Gibbons, November 5.-S. P. Dom. xvi. 14.

[32] "Mrs. Whynniard, however, tells us," writes Father Gerard (p. 73), "that the cellar was not to let, and that Bright had not the disposal of the lease, but one Skinner." What Mrs. Whynniard said was that the vault was 'let to Mr. Skinner of King Street; but that she and her husband were ready to consent if Mrs. Skinner's good will could be had.' 'Mr.' in the first writing of the name is evidently a slip of the clerk's, as Mrs. Whynniard goes on to speak of 'Mrs. Skinner then, and now the wife of Andrew Bright.'-G. P. B. No. 39.

[33] Probably 'Hippesley.'

[34] Father Gerard, (p. 91, note 5) accepts Goodman's assertion that it was said that Whynniard 'as soon as ever he heard of the news what Percy intended, he instantly fell into a fright and died: so that it could not be certainly known who procured him the house, or by whose means.' That Whynniard was alive on the 7th is proved by the fact that Susan Whynniard is styled his wife and not his widow at the head of this examination. As he was himself not questioned it may be inferred that he was seriously ill at the time. That his illness was caused by fright is probably pure gossip. Mrs. Bright, when examined (G. P. B. No. 24) speaks of Mrs. Whynniard as agreeing to change the tenancy of the cellar, which looks as if the husband had been ill and inaccessible at least six months before his death.

[35] Properly 'John.'

[36] S. P. Dom. xvi. 20.

[37] G. P. B. No. 37. Witnessed by Northampton and Popham only.

[38] The letter to Cornwallis, printed in Winwood's Memorials, ii. 170, is dated Nov. 9, as it is in Cott. MSS. Vesp. cix. fol. 240, from which it is printed. That volume, however, is merely a letter book. The letter to Edmondes, on the other hand, in the Stowe MSS. 168, fol. 213, is the original, with Salisbury's autograph signature, and its date has clearly been altered from 7 to 9.

[39] Waad to Salisbury, Nov. 7.-Hatfield MSS.

[40] Waad to Salisbury, Nov. 8.-G. P. B. No. 48 B.

[41] In 'The King's Book' it is stated that Fawkes was shown the rack, but never racked. Probably the torture used on the 9th was that of the manacles, or hanging up by the wrists or thumbs.

[42] The principal ones were either killed or taken at Holbeche on that very day.

[43] Thomas Winter.

[44] Catesby, Percy, and John Wright.

[45] I.e. Catesby. In a copy forwarded to Edmondes by Salisbury (Stowe MSS. 168, fol. 223) the copyist had originally written 'three or four more,' which is altered to 'three.'

[46] 'Then,' omitted in the Stowe copy.

[47] Christopher Wright.

[48] 'Unto,' in the Stowe copy.

[49] Robert Winter. The question whether Keyes worked at this time will be discussed later on.

[50] 'Any man,' in the Stowe copy.

[51] 'Others,' in the Stowe copy.

[52] 'One' is inserted above the line.

[53] This is an obvious mistake, as the widow Skinner was not at this time married to Bright, but one just as likely to be made by Fawkes himself as by his examiners.

[54] 'Viewed it,' in the Stowe copy.

[55] 'Taken,' in Stowe copy.

[56] 'Thence,' in Stowe copy.

[57] Percy.

[58] The words in italics are marked by penstrokes across them for omission.

[59] 'With that practice, that,' in the Stowe copy.

[60] 'Then,' omitted in the Stowe copy.

[61] 'But,' omitted in the Stowe copy.

[62] 'Whereof,' in the Stowe copy.

[63] G. P. B., No. 49. In the Stowe copy the names of the Commissioners are omitted, and a list of fifteen plotters added. As the paper was inclosed in a letter to Edmondes of the 14th, these might easily be added at any date preceding that.

[64] Gerard, p. 268.

[65] Stowe MSS., 168, fol. 223.

[66] Gerard, p. 170.

[67] Gerard, p. 169.

[68] S. P. Dom. xii. 24.

[69] Gerard, p. 175. Coke's questions are in S. P. Dom. xvi. 38.

[70] The handwriting is quite different.

[71] This declaration, therefore, was not, as Mrs. Everett Green says, 'made to Salisbury.'

[72] If anyone chooses to argue that this examination was drawn up regardless of its truth, and only signed by Fawkes after torture had made him incapable of distinguishing truth from falsehood, he may be answered that, in that case, those who prepared it would never have added to the allegation that some of the conspirators had received the Sacrament from Gerard the Jesuit to bind them to secrecy, the passage:-"But he saith that Gerard was not acquainted with their purpose." This passage is marked for omission by Coke, and it assuredly would not have been found in the document unless it had really proceeded from Fawkes.

[73] About whom more hereafter.

[74] Gerard afterwards denied that this was true, and the late Father Morris (Life of Gerard, p. 437) argues, with a good deal of probability, that Fawkes mistook another priest for Gerard. For my purpose it is not a matter of any importance.

[75] This should be John.

[76] Probably, as Father Gerard suggests, what would now be known as a coursing match.

[77] Proclamation Book, R.O. p. 117.

[78] A late postscript added to the letter to the Ambassadors sent off on the 9th (Winwood, ii. 173) shows that before the end of the day Salisbury had learnt even more of the details than were comprised in the Sheriff's letter.

[79] Nov. 5.

[80] Nov. 6.

[81] Nov. 7.

[82] Nov. 8.

[83] The question whether Winter or Keyes was one of two workers will be subsequently discussed.

[84] Mrs. Everett Green suggests Nov. 8 (G. P. B. No. 133), but this is merely a deduction from her mistaken date of the examination of the 17th (see p. 17, note 1). In Fawkes's confession of the 9th Keyes's Christian name appears to have been subsequently added.

[85] Extracts from the Council Registers, Add. MSS. 11,402, fol. 108. The volume of the Council Book itself which recorded the transactions of these years has been lost.

[86] G. P. B. No. 101. There is a facsimile in National MSS. Part iv. No. 8.

[87] See pp. 18, 20.

[88] Gerard, p. 174.

[89] Gerard, p. 268.

[90] The erasure of Winter's name, and the substitution of that of Keyes, will be dealt with later.

[91] Gerard, p. 168.

[92] Father Gerard appears to show his dislike of Salisbury by denying him his title.

[93] All Saints Day.

[94] Compare this with Fawkes's declaration at his second examination (G. P. B. 16, A.) "Being demanded when this good act had been done which must have brought this realm in peril to be subdued by some foreign prince, of what foreign prince he and his compliees could have wished to have been governed, one more than another, he doth protest upon his soul that neither he nor any other with whom he had conferred would have spared the last drop of their blood to have resisted any foreign prince whatsoever." Are we seriously asked to believe that Salisbury placed this crown of sturdy patriotism on the brows of those whom he wished to paint as the most atrocious villains?

[95] Juan de Velasco, Duke of Frias, Constable of Castile, arrived at Brussels about the middle of January 1604 to conduct a negotiation for peace with England. There he remained, delegating his powers to others. This date of the Constable's arrival is important, as showing that Winter's conversation with Catesby cannot have taken place earlier than the second half of January.

[96] Hugh Owen was, as Father Gerard says (p. 173, note 1), 'A soldier and not a priest, though in the Calendar of State Papers he is continually styled "Father Owen," or "Owen the Jesuit."' He is however mistaken in saying that Mrs. Everett Green inserted the title without warrant in the original documents. A paper of intelligence received on April 29, 1604, begins, "Father Owen, Father Baldwin and Colonel Jaques, three men that rule the Archduke at their pleasure," &c.

[97] In 1604 Easter term began on April 25, and ended May 21.

[98] This distinctly implies that Percy did not know the secret before, and I therefore wish to retract my former argument-which is certainly not conclusive-in favour of an earlier knowledge by Percy. Hist. of Engl. 1603-1642, i. 235, note 1.

[99] "In his declaration, November 8th, however," writes Father Gerard (p. 91, note 1), "he gives as a reason for going abroad, 'lest, being a dangerous man, he should be known and suspected.'" I see no discrepancy between the two statements. Having been long abroad, Fawkes's face would not be known to the ordinary Londoner as that of a Recusant, and he was therefore better qualified to act as a watchman than others who were so known. On the other hand, when there was no need for anybody to watch at all, somebody who had known him in Flanders might notify the Government of his appearance in England, and thereby raise suspicions against him. Besides, there were other reasons for his going over which Fawkes did not think fit to bring to the notice of the Government.

[100] Began October 9, ended November 28.

[101] Marginal note: "This was about a month before Michaelmas."

[102] The Duke of York, afterwards Charles I.

[103] Some such words as 'we resolved' are probably omitted here.

[104] In MS. 'taken it before.'

[105] Interlined in the King's hand 'which was about four thousand pounds.'

[106] Altered in the King's hand to 'to the number of ten,' with a marginal note 'unclear phrase,' in the same hand.

[107] Prince Henry.

[108] Perhaps the Prince was with his mother at Greenwich.

[109] Oct. 27.

[110] Oct. 31.

[111] Nov. 1.

[112] Nov. 2.

[113] Nov. 3.

[114] Nov. 4.

[115] 5 A.M. on Nov. 5.

[116] Nov. 6.

[117] Nov. 7.

[118] Nov. 8.

[119] The attestation in brackets is in Salisbury's hand.

[120] Gerard, p. 182.

[121] I.e., Thomas Winter.

[122] Mrs. Everett Green's abstract of this, to the effect that Fawkes said that the conspiracy 'was confined to five persons at first, then to two, and afterwards five more were added,' has no foundation in the document she had before her.

[123] G. P. B. No. 49.

[124] G. P. B. No. 37.

[125] G. P. B. No. 133.

[126] The name 'Key' or 'Keyes' occurs in both of them without his Christian name.

[127] Proclamation Book, R.O.

[128] G. P. B. No. 129.

[129] 'The Discourse of the Powder Treason,' published in Bishop Montague's Works of James I., p. 233, only forms part of the original so-called 'King's Book,' which was published anonymously in 1605 (i.e., before March 25, 1606) under the title of His Majesty's Speech in this last Session of Parliament ... together with a Discourse of the Manner of the Discovery of this late Intended Treason, joined with the Examination of Some of the Prisoners.-Brit. Mus., Press Mark E. 1940, No. 10. In the Preface directed by the Printer to the Reader, the Printer states that he was about to commit the Speech to the press when there came into his hands 'a discourse of this late intended most abominable treason,' which he has added. The King's speech was delivered on November 9, and, if it was to be published, it is not likely to have been long kept back. The discourse consists of four parts-1. An account of the discovery of the plot, and arrest of Fawkes. 2. Fawkes's declaration of the 17th. 3. Winter's confession of the 23rd. 4. An account of the flight and capture of the conspirators. The whole composition shows signs of an early date. Part 1 knows nothing of any names except those of Percy and Johnson alias Fawkes, and was probably, therefore, drawn up before the confession of the 9th. At the end it slips off from a statement that Fawkes, having been 'twice or thrice examined when the rack having been only offered and showed unto him, the mask of his Roman fortitude did visibly begin to wear and slide off his face, and then did he begin to confess part of the truth,' into 'and thereafter to open up the whole matter as doth appear by his depositions immediately following.' Then comes the declaration of November 17, with Winter amongst the diggers and Keyes amongst those afterwards made privy. Between Parts 2 and 3 we have the following statement: "And in regard that before this discovery could be ready to go to the press, Thomas Winter, being apprehended and brought to the Tower, made a confession in substance agreeing with this former of Fawkes's, only larger in some circumstances. I have thought good to insert the same likewise in this place, for the further clearing of the matter and greater benefit of the reader." May we not gather from this that the 'discourse' was finally made up for the press on or very soon after the 23rd? Winter, it may be noted, does not mention the name either of his brother or of Keyes.

[130] Gerard, App. E., p. 251.

[131] This note is on too small a scale to be reproduced in the frontispiece.

[132] This name is given at a later time to the 'Passage leading to the Parliament Stairs' of Capon's plan, and I have, for convenience sake, referred to it throughout by that name.

[133] See p. 22.

[134] Gerard, p. 62.

[135] Gerard, pp. 141, 142.

[136] I suppose Thomas Barlow is meant. William Barlow, who was Bishop of Lincoln in the reign of James I., did not write about the plot.

[137] Speed's History, ed. 1611, p. 891.

[138] March 24th, 1604.

[139] Copy of the Agreement, G. P. B., No. 1.

[140] Pat. 44 Eliz., Part 22.

[141] Gerard, p. 60, note 1.

[142] Smith's Antiquities of Westminster, p. 39. The question of the number of doors in the cellar will be dealt with hereafter.

[143] Gerard, p. 67.

[144] Gerard, p. 65.

[145] P. 56.

[146] Pat. 4 Edw. VI., Part 9.

[147] Pat. 6 Edw. VI., Part 5.

[148] Pat. 30 Eliz., Part 10.

[149] Parliament Place.

[150] Assignment, July 17, 42 Eliz., Land Revenue Records Office, Inrolments v. fol. 104. I have been unable to trac Whynniard's tenure of the house I have assigned to him. It was within the Old Palace, and was probably the official residence of its keeper. Whynniard was appointed Keeper of the Old Palace in 1602. Pat. 44 Eliz., Part 22.

[151] See plan at p. 81. Was this the baker in whose house Catesby tried in vain to secure a room?-'Bates's Confession, Dec. 4, 1605'; G. P. B. No. 145.

[152] Whynniard was Keeper of the Wardrobe at Hampton Court, which would account for his servant being concerned in the Queen's removal.

[153] Otherwise Parliament Stairs.

[154] I suspect that this was what was afterwards known as Cotton Garden. I have been unable to trace the date at which it was conveyed to Sir Robert Cotton.

[155] G. P. B. No. 40.

[156] See p. 63.

[157] See p. 90.

[158] This we know from Capon's pencilled notes to the sketch in the frontispiece.

[159] The late Chairman of the Works Department of the London County Council; than whom no man is better qualified to speak on such matters.

[160] There are indeed old walls marked in Capon's plan beneath the ground, but we do not know of what substance they were composed or how near the surface they came.

[161] Speed, no doubt, rested this assertion on Winter's evidence that 'we underpropped it, as we went, with wood.' (See p. 64.)

[162] Gerard, pp. 66, 67.

[163] See the remarks of the Edinburgh Reviewer on the ease with which Baron Trenck executed a far harder piece of work without being discovered for a considerable time.

[164] Used as such, Father Gerard notes, till the Union with Ireland in 1800.

[165] This was true of the general line of the bank, but, as will be seen at pp. 81, 83, there was a kind of dock which brought the water within about thirty yards of the house.

[166] Gerard, pp. 59, 60.

[167] G. P. B. No. 129.

[168] This is clearly a slip. The cellar was not under the house hired by Percy.

[169] For its possible situation see p. 91; or it may have been erected in the courtyard shown in the plans at pp. 82, 83.

[170] See pp. 34, 65. The difficulty of measuring the thickness of the wall was not so great as Father Gerard fancies. In 1678 Sir Christopher Wren reported that 'the walls are seven feet thick below' (Hist. MSS. Com. Report XI. App. ii. p. 17). As he did not dig below the surface this must mean that they were seven feet thick at the level of the floor of the so-called cellar, and this measurement must have been known to the conspirators after they had access to it. I am informed that in the case of a heavy wall, especially when it is built on light soil, as was the case here, the foundations are always constructed to be broader than the wall itself. The diggers, observing the angle of the face they attacked, might roughly calculate that a foot on each side might be added, thus reaching the nine feet.

[171] Father Gerard (p. 64, note 2) writes: "There is, as usual, hopeless confusion between the two witnesses upon whom, as will be seen, we wholly depend for this portion of the story. Fawkes (November 17, 1605) makes the mining operations terminate at Candlemas, and Winter (November 23) says that they went on to 'near Easter' (March 31). The date of the hiring the 'cellar' was about Lady Day (March 25)." I can see no contradiction. The resumption of work for a third time in March was, from Winter's mode of referring to it, evidently for a very short time. "And," he says, "near to Easter, as we wrought the third time, opportunity was given to hire the cellar." Fawkes, though less clear and full, implicitly says much the same thing. He says that 'about Candlemas we had wrought the wall half through,' and then goes on to describe how he stood sentinel, &c. Then at the beginning of another paragraph we have "As they were working upon the wall they heard a rushing in a cellar, &c." Fawkes gives no dates, but he says nothing to contradict the third working spoken of by Winter.

[172] Gerard, pp. 65, 66.

[173] Goodman, i. 104.

[174] G. P. B. No. 40. Father Gerard (p. 142) says that we learn on the unimpeachable testimony of Mrs. Whynniard, the landlady, that Fawkes not only paid the last instalment of rent on Sunday, November 3, but on the following day, the day immediately preceding the intended explosion, had carpenters and other work folk in the house for mending and repairing thereof (G. P. B. No. 39). "To say nothing of the wonderful honesty of paying rent under the circumstances, what was the sense of putting a house in repair upon Monday, which on Tuesday was to be blown to atoms?" The rent having fallen due at Michaelmas, is it not probable that it was paid in November to avoid legal proceedings, which might at least have drawn attention to the occupier of the house. As to the rest, the 'unimpeachable testimony' is that-not of Mrs. Whynniard, but of Roger James (G. P. B. No. 40), who says that the carpenter came in about Midsummer, not on November 4.

[175] Gerard, p. 69.

[176] G. P. B. No. 101.

[177] See p. 108.

[178] G. P. B. No. 39.

[179] Gerard, p. 87.

[180] Here is another 'discrepancy,' which Father Gerard has not noticed. As the 'cellar' was not taken till a little before Easter, Percy could not make a door into it about the middle of Lent. My solution is, that in his second examination, on November 6th, Fawkes was trying to conceal the existence of the mine, in order that he might not betray the miners, and therefore antedated the making of the door. See p. 25.

[181] Gerard, p. 88.

[182] Gerard, p. 89.

[183] Gerard, p. 74.

[184] See p. 66.

[185] See the table in State Papers relating to the Defeat of the Spanish Armada, ed. by Prof. Laughton for the Navy Records Society, i. 339.

[186] Edinburgh Review, January 1897, p. 200.

[187] Gerard, p. 148.

[188] We know that Percy visited the house at Westminster at Midsummer. See p. 104.

[189] Grange to Salisbury, Nov. 5.-G. P. B. No. 15.

[190] Justices of Warwickshire to Salisbury, Nov. 12.-Ib. No. 75.

[191] Goodman, i. 102.

[192] Gerard, p. 151.

[193] Goodman, i. 105.

[194] Gerard, p. 152.

[195] Warrant, Feb. 8; Commission, Feb. 21; Pass, Oct. 25, 1605.-S. P. Dom., xii. 65; Docquet Book, 1605; S. P. Dom., xv. 106.

[196] To the theory that Salisbury wanted inconvenient witnesses disposed of, because the man who shot Percy and Catesby got a pension of two shillings a day, I reply that the Government was more afraid of a rebellion than of testimony. At all events, 2s. at that time was certainly not worth 1l. now, as Father Gerard assumes here, and in other passages of his book. It is usual to estimate the value of money as being about four or five times as much as it is in the present day. The relative price, however, depended so much on the commodities purchased that I hesitate to express myself positively on the subject. The only thing that I am quite clear about is that Father Gerard's estimate is greatly exaggerated. It is true that he grounds his errors on a statement by Dr. Jessopp that 4,000 marks was equivalent to 30,000l., but the very exaggeration of these figures should have led him to suspect some error, or, at least-as I have recently been informed by Dr. Jessopp was the fact-that his calculation was based on other grounds than the relative price of commodities.

[197] Father Greenway's statement, that while the rebels were in the field, messengers came post haste continually one after the other, from the capital, all bearing proclamations mentioning Percy by name (Gerard, p. 155) is disposed of by the fact that there were only three proclamations in which Percy's name was mentioned, dated the 5th, the 7th, and the 8th. Percy was killed on the morning of the 8th, and even the messenger who started on the 7th can hardly have known that the sheriff had gone to Holbeche, and consequently could not himself have reached that place while Percy was living.

[198] See p. 11.

[199] T. Winter's examination, November 25 (G. P. B. No. 116). Compare Tresham's declaration of November 13 (ib. No. 63).

[200] Jardine's Gunpowder Plot, p. 91.

[201] Add. MSS. 11,402, fol. 109.

[202] Smith's Antiquities of Westminster, p. 41.

[203] See p. 31.

[204] On this, see p. 110.

[205] Gerard, p. 126, note 1.

[206] In an earlier part of the letter we are told of 'Johnson,' that 'on Tuesday at midnight, as he was busy to prepare his things for execution was apprehended in the place itself, with a false lantern, booted and spurred.'

[207] S. P. France.

[208] See p. 31. I give the extract in the form received by Edmondes, that printed in Winwood, ii. 170, received by Cornwallis, being slightly different.

[209] i.e. 'owned.'

[210] Gerard, p. 127.

[211] Winwood, ii. 170.

[212] Chamberlain to Carleton, November 7.-S. P. Dom. xvi. 23.

[213] See p. 99.

[214] G. P. B. No. 129.

[215] Winwood, ii. 170.

[216] These words look as if he had been found not in the passage but in the court.

[217] He was a favourite dependent of Knyvet's, who, on April 10, 1604, had recommended him for an office in the Tower.-S. P. Dom. vii. 18.

[218] See my History of England, 1603-1642, i. 80, 81.

[219] I.e. Guardians.

[220] Correspondence of King James VI. with Sir Robert Cecil, pp. 31, 33, 36.

[221] Correspondence of King James VI. with Sir Robert Cecil, p. 75.

[222] Degli Effetti to Del Bufalo, June 16/26.-Roman Transcripts, R.O.

[223] Degli Effetti to Del Bufalo, July 21/31.-Roman Transcripts, R.O.

[224] See p. 142.

[225] Hist. of England, 1603-1642, i. 81.

[226] S. P. Scotland, lxix. 20.

[227] James I. to Sir T. Parry, Nov., 1603.-Tierney's Dodd, iv.; App. p. 66.

[228] Degli Effetti to Del Bufalo, June 30/July 10 (Roman Transcripts, R.O.). There is a plain-spoken marginal note in the Pope's hand, 'Non sarà vero, nè noi gli habbiamo dato quest' ordine.' In the instructions by the Nuncio at Brussels to Dr. Gifford, July 22/August 1 (Tierney's Dodd, iv.; App. lxvi.), nothing is said about this mission, but a definite promise is given 'eosque omnes e regno evocare quos sua Majestas rationabiliter judicaverit regno et statui suo noxios fore.'

[229] 'Salute.' Does this mean safety or salvation, or is it left doubtful?

[230] I.e. to James and to Henry IV. Del Bufalo to Cardinal Aldobrandino, July 11/21.-Roman Transcripts, R.O.

[231] Del Bufalo to Cardinal Aldobrandino, July 20/30.-Roman Transcripts, R.O.

[232] Barneby to Del Bufalo, Aug. 8/18.-Roman Transcripts, R.O. (The original is in Latin.)

[233] Afterwards Duke of Sully.

[234] Parry to Cecil, Aug. 20, 1603.-S. P. France.

[235] See p. 151, note 2.

[236] Del Bufalo to James I. Sept. 19/29; compare Del Bufalo to Cardinal Aldobrandino, Sept. 21/Oct. 1.-Roman Transcripts, R.O.

[237] We have two copies of James's letter to Parry translated into Latin, but undated (S. P. France.) Cecil's covering letter (ib.) is in draft and dated Nov. 6. It must, however, have been held back, as both Parry's and Del Bufalo's despatches show that it did not reach Paris till early in December.

[238] Del Bufalo to Cardinal Aldobrandino, December 4/14.-Roman Transcripts, R.O.

[239] January 11/21.

[240] Information given to Del Bufalo.

[241] He wrote on the margin of Del Bufalo's letter: "Quanto alla facoltà di chiamare sotto pena di scomunica i torbolenti, non ci par da darla per adesso, perchè trattiamo con heretici, e corriamo pericolo di perdere i sicuri, si come non ci par che il Nuntio debba premere nella cosa di mandar noi personaggio, perchè dubitiamo che essendo tanta gelosia tra Francia e Spagna non intrassimo in grandissima difficoltà. E meglio aspettare la conclusione della Pace secondo noi, perchè non sapiamo che chi mandassimo fosse per usar la prudentia necessaria."

[242] He told the Spanish Ambassador, 'che quelli del Consiglio gli havevano fatto tanta forza che no haveva potuto far altro, ma che no si sarebbe eseguito con rigore alcuno.' (Del Bufalo to Aldobrandino, March 27/April 6.)-Roman Transcripts, R.O.

[243] Precisely the course he had recommended in his letter written to Cecil whilst he was still in Scotland, see p. 144.

[244] See p. 33.

[245] A news-letter gives an account of the Council meeting, from which it appears that James began by haranguing against the Puritans, but Cranborne-Cecil was now known by this title-and others asked why the Catholics were not put on the same footing, on which the King got angry, and finally directed that the Catholics should also suffer. (Advices from London, Feb. 19/March 1).-Roman Transcripts, R.O.

[246] In those days liberty of conscience meant what we should call liberty of worship.

[247] Lindsay at last got off to Rome in November 1604. On his proceedings there see History of England, 1603-1642, i. 224.

[248] In the MS. 'et non haverebbe.' Mr. Rawdon Brown, amongst whose papers, now in the Record Office, this despatch is found, remarks that mistakes of this kind frequently occur in letters first ciphered and then deciphered.

[249] In the margin is 'Questo poi è troppo,' perhaps an addition by the ambassador, or even by Mr. Rawdon Brown.

[250] 'Religione' is suggested by Mr. Rawdon Brown for the 'ragione' of the decipherer.

[251] In the copy 'non si può far di meno di non observar le leggi,' the 'non' being incorrectly repeated.

[252] "Non predicando li preti nessuna cosa più constantemente di questa che il buon Cattolico bisogna che habbia questa ferma rissolutione in se medesimo di esser per conservar la Religione pronto a solevarsi etiam contra la vita e stato del suo Principe naturale."

[253] Molin to the Doge, March 7/17, 1605, Venetian Transcripts, R.O.

[254] Lindsay to James I. Jan. 26/Feb. 5, 1605, S. P. Italian States.

[255] Compare the last passage quoted from Molin's despatch, p. 161.

[256] This is, however, precisely what James had failed to induce the Pope to do.

[257] Father Gerard asks what 'our offence' was. It was clearly nothing personal to the writer, and I am strongly inclined to interpret the words as referring to Lindsay's proceedings at Rome, of which so much had been made.

[258] Sir Everard Digby to Salisbury (S. P. Dom. xvii. 10.) As Father Gerard says, the date cannot be earlier than May 4, 1605, when the Earldom was conferred on Cranborne.

[259] Father Gerard gives the date of Davies's pardon from the Pardon Roll as April 25, 1605. It should be April 23, 1604.

[260] Gerard, 94, 95, 254. Father Gerard ascribes this application to 'a later date' than March 1606. It was, in fact a good deal later, as the endorsement 'Mr. Secretary Conway' shows that it was not earlier than 1623. The further endorsement 'touching Wright and his services performed in the damnable plot of the Powder Treason,' proves nothing. What did Conway's clerk know beyond the contents of the application itself?

[261] Father Gerard (p. 98) tells us of one Thomas Coe, who wrote on Dec. 20, 1605, telling him that he had forwarded to the King 'the primary intelligence of these late treasons.' If this claim was justified, why do we not find Coe's name, either amongst the State Papers or on the Patent Rolls, as recipient of some favour from the Crown? A still more indefensible argument of Father Gerard's is one in which a letter written to Sir Everard Digby about an otter hunt is held (p. 103) to show the existence of Government espionage, because though written before Digby was acquainted with the plot it is endorsed, 'Letter written to Sir Everard Digby-Powder Treason.' Any letter in Digby's possession would be likely to be endorsed in this way whatever its contents might have been.

[262] Gerard, pp. 95, 96.

[263] Gerard, p. 106.

[264] Salisbury to Edmondes, Oct. 17, 1605.-Stowe MSS. 168, fol. 181.

[265] See History of England, 1603-1642, i. 238, 243.

[266] Garnet's Declaration, March 9, 1606.-Hist. Rev. July, 1888, p. 513.

[267] Father Gerard gives a facsimile, p. 199.

[268] Harl. MSS. 360, fol. 112 b.

[269] See p. 128.

[270] As in the case of the merchant who refused to pay the imposition on currants, 'Bate' and 'Bates' were considered interchangeable.

[271] G. P. B., No. 145. The words in italics are added in a different hand. Dunbar's name does not occur in the list of Commissioners at p. 24.

[272] See p. 41.

[273] Gerard, p. 179. I do not think his argument on this point conclusive, but obviously it would be useless to forge a document unless it was to be used in evidence.

[274] Harl. MSS. 360, fol. 96.

[275] Gerard, p. 170.

[276] Salisbury's Minute to Favat, Dec. 4, 1605.-Add. MSS. 6178, fol. 98.

[277] Gerard, p. 181.

[278] An alias for Garnet.

[279] Salisbury to Edmondes, March 8, 1606.-Stowe MSS. 168, fol. 366.

[280] Harl. MSS. 360, fol. 117.

[281] Ib. fol. 113.

[282] Add. MSS. 21203, fol. 38 b.

[283] A true and perfect relation. Sig. G., 2, verso.

[284] Ib., Sig. K., 3.

[285] Morris's Condition of Catholics, 210. A Latin translation of part of the letter was printed in 1610, by Eud?mon Joannes, Ad actionem proditoriam, &c., p. 6.

[286] G. P. B., No. 166.

[287] See the express words ascribed to Bates at p. 180.

[288] See p. 190.

[289] Sir E. Digby's Papers, No. 9, published at the end of Bishop Barlow's reprint of The Gunpowder Treason.

[290] The Saturday or Sunday after the octave of Corpus Christi, i.e., June 8 or 9, old style, which seems to have been used, as the same day is described as being about the beginning of Trinity Term, which began on May 31.

[291] Garnet's Declaration, March 9.-Hist. Rev., July 1888 pp. 510-517.

[292] The letter is printed in Tierney's Dodd, iv. App. cix., where there is an argument in a note to show that the part from which I am about to quote came from a later letter. For my purpose the date is immaterial.

[293] Garnet's Declaration, March 9.-Hist. Rev., July 1888, pp. 510-517.

[294] Garnet's Declaration, March 10. Hist. Rev., July 1888, p. 517.

[295] The author of Sir Everard Digby's life writes:-"I fully admit that if Father Garnet was weak, his weakness was owing to an excess of kindheartedness and a loyalty to his friends that bordered on extravagance." (The Life of a Conspirator, by 'One of his Descendants,' p. 134.) It will be noticed that I am inclined to go further than this.

[296] In addition to what has been already said, a letter from the Nuncio at Brussels to Dr. Gifford, written on July 22/Aug. 1, 1604, may be quoted. He says that the Pope 'paratissimum esse ea omnia pro sua in Catholicos authoritate facere qu? Serenissim? su? Majestati securitatem su? person?, et status procurare possunt, eosque omnes e regno evocare quos sua Majestas rationabiliter judicaverit regno et statui [MS. statuti] suo noxios fore.'-Tierney's Dodd, App. No. 5.

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Poetical Works. 2 vols. Fcp. 8vo., 12s.

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Marah. Fcp. 8vo., 6s. 6d.

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Lucile. Crown 8vo., 10s. 6d.

Selected Poems. Cr. 8vo., 10s. 6d.

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Macdonald (George, LL.D.).

A Book of Strife, in the Form of the Diary of an Old Soul: Poems. 18mo., 6s.

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Morris (William).

Poetical Works-Library Edition. Complete in Ten Volumes. Crown 8vo., price 6s. each:-

The Earthly Paradise. 4 vols. 6s. each.

The Life and Death of Jason. 6s.

The Defence of Guenevere, and other Poems. 6s.

The Story of Sigurd the Volsung, and the Fall of the Niblungs. 6s.

Love is Enough; or, The Freeing of Pharamond: a Morality; and Poems By the Way. 6s.

The Odyssey of Homer. Done into English Verse. 6s.

The ?neids of Virgil. Done into English Verse. 6s.

Certain of the Poetical Works may also be had in the following Editions:-

The Earthly Paradise.

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Love Is Enough; or, The Freeing of Pharamond: a Morality. Square crown 8vo., 7s. 6d.

Poems by the Way. Square crown 8vo., 6s.

? For Mr. William Morris's Prose Works, see pp. 22 and 31.

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Old Fashioned Roses: Poems. 12mo., 5s.

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The Shakespeare Birthday Book. By Mary F. Dunbar. 32mo., 1s. 6d.

Wordsworth and Coleridge.-A Description of the Wordsworth and Coleridge Manuscripts in the Possession of Mr. T. Norton Longman. Edited, with Notes, by W. Hale White. With Fac-similes. 4to., 10s. 6d.

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Alden.-Among the Freaks. By W. L. Alden. With 55 Illustrations by J. F. Sullivan and Florence K. Upton. Crown 8vo., 3s. 6d.

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The Man From Blankley's: a Story in Scenes, and other Sketches. With 24 Illustrations by J. Bernard Partridge. Post 4to., 6s.

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Dougall (L.).

Beggars All. Crown 8vo., 3s. 6d.

What Necessity Knows. Crown 8vo., 6s.

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The Young Pretenders. A Story of Child Life. With 12 Illustrations by Philip Burne-Jones. Cr. 8vo., 6s.

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Froude.-The Two Chiefs of Dunboy: an Irish Romance of the Last Century. By J. A. Froude. Cr. 8vo. 3s. 6d.

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Heart of the World. With 15 Illustrations, Crown 8vo., 6s.

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The Autobiography of a Slander. Fcp. 8vo., 1s. sewed.

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The Gladiators.

The Interpreter.

Good for Nothing.

The Queen's Maries.

Holmby House.

Kate Coventry.

Digby Grand.

General Bounce.

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Morris (William).

The Well at the World's End. 2 vols., 8vo., 28s.

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News From Nowhere; or, An Epoch of Rest. Being some Chapters from an Utopian Romance. Post 8vo., 1s. 6d.

? For Mr. William Morris's Poetical Works, see p. 19.

Newman (Cardinal).

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The Jewel of Ynys Galon: being a hitherto unprinted Chapter in the History of the Sea Rovers. With 12 Illustrations by Lancelot Speed. Crown 8vo., 3s. 6d.

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For the White Rose of Arno: A Story of the Jacobite Rising of 1745. Crown 8vo., 6s.

Rokeby.-Dorcas Hobday. By Charles Rokeby. Crown 8vo., 6s.

Sewell (Elizabeth M.).

A Glimpse of the World.

Laneton Parsonage.

Margaret Percival.

Katharine Ashton.

The Earl's Daughter.

The Experience of Life.

Amy Herbert.

Cleve Hall.

Gertrude.

Home Life.

After Life.

Ursula.

Ivors.

Cr. 8vo., 1s. 6d. each, cloth plain. 2s. 6d. each, cloth extra, gilt edges.

Stevenson (Robert Louis).

The Strange Case of Dr. Jekyll and Mr. Hyde. Fcp. 8vo., 1s. sewed, 1s. 6d. cloth.

The Strange Case of Dr. Jekyll and Mr. Hyde; with Other Fables. Crown 8vo., 3s. 6d.

More New Arabian Nights-The Dynamiter. By Robert Louis Stevenson and Fanny van De Grift Stevenson. Crown 8vo., 3s. 6d.

The Wrong Box. By Robert Louis Stevenson and Lloyd Osbourne. Crown 8vo., 3s. 6d.

Suttner.-Lay Down Your Arms Die Waffen Nieder: The Autobiography of Martha Tilling. By Bertha Von Suttner. Translated by T. Holmes. Cr. 8vo., 1s. 6d.

Trollope (Anthony).

The Warden. Cr. 8vo., 1s. 6d.

Barchester Towers. Cr. 8vo., 1s. 6d.

TRUE (A) Relation of The Travels and Perilous Adventures of Mathew Dudgeon, Gentleman: Wherein is truly set down the Manner of his Taking, the Long Time of his Slavery in Algiers, and Means of his Delivery. Written by Himself, and now for the first time printed. Cr. 8vo., 5s.

Walford (L. B.).

Mr. Smith: a Part of his Life. Crown 8vo., 2s. 6d.

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Cousins. Crown 8vo., 2s. 6d.

Troublesome Daughters. Crown 8vo., 2s. 6d.

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West (B. B.).

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Sir Simon Vanderpetter, and Minding his Ancestors. Cr. 8vo., 5s.

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Weyman (Stanley).

The House of the Wolf. Cr. 8vo., 3s. 6d.

A Gentleman of France. Cr. 8vo., 6s.

The Red Cockade. Cr. 8vo., 6s.

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Butler.-Our Household Insects. An Account of the Insect-Pests found in Dwelling Houses. By Edward A. Butler, B.A. B.Sc. (Lond.). With 113 Illustrations. Crown 8vo., 3s. 6d.

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The Outdoor World; or, The Young Collector's Handbook. With 18 Plates, 16 of which are coloured, and 549 Illustrations in the Text. Crown 8vo., 7s. 6d.

Butterflies and Moths (British). With 12 coloured Plates and 241 Illustrations in the Text. Crown 8vo., 12s. 6d.

Life in Ponds and Streams. With 8 coloured Plates and 331 Illustrations in the Text. Cr. 8vo., 12s. 6d.

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The Sea and Its Living Wonders. With 12 Plates and 303 Woodcuts. 8vo., 7s. net.

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Proctor (Richard A.).

Light Science for Leisure Hours. Familiar Essays on Scientific Subjects. 3 vols. Crown 8vo., 5s. each.

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Pleasant Ways in Science. Crown 8vo., 3s. 6d.

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? For Mr. Proctor's other books see Messrs. Longmans & Co.'s Catalogue of Scientific Works.

Stanley.-A Familiar History Of Birds. By E. Stanley, D.D., formerly Bishop of Norwich. With Illustrations. Cr. 8vo., 3s. 6d.

Wood (Rev. J. G.).

Homes without Hands: a Description of the Habitation of Animals, classed according to the Principle of Construction. With 140 Illustrations. 8vo., 7s. net.

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Bible Animals: a Description of every Living Creature mentioned in the Scriptures. With 112 Illustrations. 8vo., 7s. net.

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The Branch Builders. 28 Illustrations. Crown 8vo., 2s. 6d.

Social Habitations and Parasitic Nests. 18 Illustrations. Crown 8vo., 2s.

Works of Reference.

Longmans' Gazetteer of the World. Edited by George G. Chisholm, M.A., B.Sc. Imp. 8vo., £2 2s. cloth, £2 12s. 6d. half-morocca.

Maunder (Samuel).

Biographical Treasury. With Supplement brought down to 1899. By Rev. James Wood. Fcp. 8vo., 6s.

Treasury of Natural History: or, Popular Dictionary of Zoology. With 900 Woodcuts. Fcp. 8vo., 6s.

Treasury of Geography, Physical, Historical, Descriptive, and Political. With 7 Maps and 16 Plates. Fcp. 8vo., 6s.

The Treasury of Bible Knowledge. By the Rev. J. Ayre, M.A. With 5 Maps, 15 Plates, and 300 Woodcuts. Fcp. 8vo., 6s.

Treasury of Knowledge and Library of Reference. Fcp. 8vo., 6s.

Historical Treasury: Fcp. 8vo., 6s.

Scientific and Literary Treasury. Fcp. 8vo., 6s.

The Treasury of Botany. Edited by J. Lindley. F.R.S., and T. Moore, F.L.S. With 274 Woodcuts and 20 Steel Plates. 2 vols. Fcp. 8vo., 12s.

Roget.-Thesaurus of English Words and Phrases. Classified and Arranged so as to Facilitate the Expression of Ideas and assist in Literary Composition. By Peter Mark Roget, M.D., F.R.S. Recomposed throughout, enlarged and improved, partly from the Author's Notes and with a full Index, by the Author's Son, John Lewis Roget. Crown 8vo. 10s. 6d.

Willich.-Popular Tables for giving information for ascertaining the value of Lifehold, Leasehold, And Church Property, the Public Funds, &c. By Charles M. Willich. Edited by H. Bence Jones. Crown 8vo., 10s. 6d.

Children's Books.

Crake (Rev. A. D.).

Edwy the Fair; or, the First Chronicle of ?scendune. Crown 8vo., 2s. 6d.

Alfgar the Dane: or, the Second Chronicle of ?scendune. Cr. 8vo., 2s. 6d.

The Rival Heirs: being the Third and Last Chronicle of ?scendune. Crown 8vo., 2s. 6d.

The House of Walderne. A Tale of the Cloister and the Forest in the Days of the Barons' Wars. Crown 8vo., 2s. 6d.

Brian Fitz-Count. A Story of Wallingford Castle and Dorchester Abbey. Crown 8vo., 2s. 6d.

Lang (Andrew)-Edited By.

The Blue Fairy Book. With 138 Illustrations. Crown 8vo., 6s.

The Red Fairy Book. With 100 Illustrations. Crown 8vo., 6s.

The Green Fairy Book. With 99 Illustrations. Crown 8vo., 6s.

The Yellow Fairy Book. With 104 Illustrations. Crown 8vo., 6s.

The Blue Poetry Book. With 100 Illustrations. Crown 8vo., 6s.

The Blue Poetry Book. School Edition, without Illustrations. Fcp. 8vo., 2s. 6d.

The True Story Book. With 66 Illustrations. Crown 8vo., 6s.

The Red True Story Book. With 100 Illustrations. Crown 8vo., 6s.

The Animal Story Book. With 67 Illustrations. Crown 8vo., 6s.

Meade (L. T.).

Daddy's Boy. With Illustrations. Crown 8vo., 3s. 6d.

Deb and the Duchess. With Illustrations. Crown 8vo., 3s. 6d.

The Beresford Prize. With Illustrations. Crown 8vo., 3s. 6d.

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Transcriber's Notes:

Images have been moved from the middle of a paragraph to a nearby paragraph break.

The text in the list of illustrations is presented as in the original text, but the links navigate to the page number closest to the illustration's loaction in this document.

Punctuation has been corrected without note.

Other than the corrections noted by hover information, inconsistencies in spelling and hyphenation have been retained from the original.

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